Franco Modigliani and the Italian Left-Wing: the Debate over Labor Cost (1975-1978)

Author(s):  
Francesco Cattabrini

In 1975 in Italy, as a result of an agreement between the Trade Unions and the Italian Manufacturers' Association, the escalator clause mechanism was changed, establishing a 100% indexation of wages to the rate of inflation. This crucial event led to the so-called "Modigliani controversy". This paper aims to examine the debate that arose in Italy following Franco Modigliani's proposals over labor cost. Our main focus will be on the public debate that raised among economists, the majority of whom were part of the wide intellectual area gravitating around the left wing. Modigliani's contributions sharpened the conflicts within the left and this resulted in a debate that ended with the acceptance of "Modigliani's recipe": a reduction in real wages was deemed necessary to bring Italy out of the economic crisis.

Author(s):  
Roberto Romani

- The essay deals with the Italian economists' debate on wages at the time of the advent of trade unions. This new fact altered the wage level and prompted Italian economists' to reconsider the principles and circumstances shaping wages. It is argued that abstract economic theory such as Pareto's and Pantaleoni's exerted little influence over the ongoing public debate. Yet economists of less abstract leanings that is, inspired by Marshall or Schmöller rather than Walras played a crucial role by disseminating among the public the ideas and experiences current in more developed countries and in Britain in particular. As usual in second comer countries, economists came to embody ‘modernity', although the relatively backward social and political situation of Italy made imitation impossible in practice (e.g. paying the high wages recommended by Brassey, Brentano, and others). JEL classification: B13, B15, J58. Keywords: wage; trade unions; Pareto; historical school.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 545-568
Author(s):  
Roberto Di Benedetto

Resumo: A reforma trabalhista do Governo Temer, aprovada no primeiro semestre de 2017, no meio de uma grave crise política e econômica, modificou profundamente o direito do trabalho, o Poder Judiciário e a estrutura sindical. A rápida tramitação da reforma, sua extensão e a ausência de um debate público dificultaram a análise dos seus impactos. Neste estudo de caso teve-se por objetivo analisar a tramitação da reforma trabalhista no Congresso e os principais argumentos utilizados pelos deputados e senadores que discutiram a proposta. Com isso, espera-se contribuir com a discussão das normas aprovadas e com a análise de suas consequências no mercado de trabalho, no Poder Judiciário e na estrutura sindical.Palavras-chave: Reforma trabalhista. Justiça do trabalho. Estrutura sindical. Abstract: The Temer government’s labor reform, approved in the first half of 2017, in the middle of a serious political and economic crisis, changed labor law, the Judiciary, and the trade union structure. The fast reform process, its extension, and the absence of public debate made difficult to analyze its impacts. This leading case aimed to examine the process of labor reform in Congress and the main arguments used by the deputies and senators who discussed the proposal. With this, it is hoped to contribute to the discussion of the approved norms and the analysis of their consequences in the labor market, in the Judiciary and in the union structure.Keywords: Labor reform. Labor courts. Trade unions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 545-568
Author(s):  
Roberto Di Benedetto

Resumo: A reforma trabalhista do Governo Temer, aprovada no primeiro semestre de 2017, no meio de uma grave crise política e econômica, modificou profundamente o direito do trabalho, o Poder Judiciário e a estrutura sindical. A rápida tramitação da reforma, sua extensão e a ausência de um debate público dificultaram a análise dos seus impactos. Neste estudo de caso teve-se por objetivo analisar a tramitação da reforma trabalhista no Congresso e os principais argumentos utilizados pelos deputados e senadores que discutiram a proposta. Com isso, espera-se contribuir com a discussão das normas aprovadas e com a análise de suas consequências no mercado de trabalho, no Poder Judiciário e na estrutura sindical.Palavras-chave: Reforma trabalhista. Justiça do trabalho. Estrutura sindical. Abstract: The Temer government’s labor reform, approved in the first half of 2017, in the middle of a serious political and economic crisis, changed labor law, the Judiciary, and the trade union structure. The fast reform process, its extension, and the absence of public debate made difficult to analyze its impacts. This leading case aimed to examine the process of labor reform in Congress and the main arguments used by the deputies and senators who discussed the proposal. With this, it is hoped to contribute to the discussion of the approved norms and the analysis of their consequences in the labor market, in the Judiciary and in the union structure.Keywords: Labor reform. Labor courts. Trade unions.


2019 ◽  
pp. 91-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rostislav I. Kapeliushnikov

Using published estimates of inequality for two countries (Russia and USA) the paper demonstrates that inequality measuring still remains in the state of “statistical cacophony”. Under this condition, it seems at least untimely to pass categorical normative judgments and offer radical political advice for governments. Moreover, the mere practice to draw normative conclusions from quantitative data is ethically invalid since ordinary people (non-intellectuals) tend to evaluate wealth and incomes as admissible or inadmissible not on the basis of their size but basing on whether they were obtained under observance or violations of the rules of “fair play”. The paper concludes that a current large-scale ideological campaign of “struggle against inequality” has been unleashed by left-wing intellectuals in order to strengthen even more their discursive power over the public.


Author(s):  
Gerhard Bosch ◽  
Thorsten Kalina

This chapter describes how inequality and real incomes have evolved in Germany through the period from the 1980s, through reunification, up to the economic Crisis and its aftermath. It brings out how reunification was associated with a prolonged stagnation in real wages. It emphasizes how the distinctive German structures for wage bargaining were eroded over time, and the labour market and tax/transfer reforms of the late 1990s-early/mid-2000s led to increasing dualization in the labour market. The consequence was a marked increase in household income inequality, which went together with wage stagnation for much of the 1990s and subsequently. Coordination between government, employers, and unions still sufficed to avoid the impact the economic Crisis had on unemployment elsewhere, but the German social model has been altered fundamentally over the period


2020 ◽  
pp. 0143831X2094368
Author(s):  
Julie Prowse ◽  
Peter Prowse ◽  
Robert Perrett

This article presents the findings of a case study that aimed to understand the specific leadership styles that are valued by women and men lay representatives in the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCS) and to determine the gendered implications for increasing women’s leadership and representation in trade unions. Survey responses from PCS lay representatives (reps) show the majority of women and men agreed that the leadership style they value, and that makes a good union leader, is post-heroic (communal) leadership. This approach is associated with leadership characteristics such as being helpful, sensitive and kind and are generally practised by women. This contrasts with male union leaders who are associated with a traditional, heroic (agentic) leadership style characterised by confidence, self-reliance and decisiveness. Although some differences exist that highlight gender issues, both women and men lay reps have positive attitudes towards increasing women’s representation and participation in union leadership.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Miladin Kovačević ◽  
Katarina Stančić

Modern society is witnessing a data revolution which necessarily entails changes to the overall behavior of citizens, governments and companies. This is a big challenge and an opportunity for National Statistics Offices (NSOs). Especially after the outbreak of COVID-19, when the public debate about the number of mortalities and tested and infected persons escalated, trusted data is required more than ever. Which data can modern society trust? Are modern societies being subjected to opinion rather than fact? This paper introduces a new statistical tool to facilitate policy-making based on trusted statistics. Using economic indicators to illustrate implementation, the new statistical tool is shown to be a flexible instrument for analysis, monitoring and evaluation of the economic situation in the Republic of Serbia. By taking a role in public policy management, the tool can be used to transform the NSO’s role in the statistical system into an active participant in public debate in contrast to the previous traditional, usually passive role of collecting, processing and publishing data. The tool supports the integration of statistics into public policies and connects the knowledge and expertise of official statisticians on one side with political decision makers on the other.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312110283
Author(s):  
Judith Simon ◽  
Gernot Rieder

Ever since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, questions of whom or what to trust have become paramount. This article examines the public debates surrounding the initial development of the German Corona-Warn-App in 2020 as a case study to analyse such questions at the intersection of trust and trustworthiness in technology development, design and oversight. Providing some insights into the nature and dynamics of trust and trustworthiness, we argue that (a) trust is only desirable and justified if placed well, that is, if directed at those being trustworthy; that (b) trust and trustworthiness come in degrees and have both epistemic and moral components; and that (c) such a normatively demanding understanding of trust excludes technologies as proper objects of trust and requires that trust is directed at socio-technical assemblages consisting of both humans and artefacts. We conclude with some lessons learned from our case study, highlighting the epistemic and moral demands for trustworthy technology development as well as for public debates about such technologies, which ultimately requires attributing epistemic and moral duties to all actors involved.


2020 ◽  
pp. 136843102098378
Author(s):  
Isabelle Aubert

This article explains how the issue of inclusion is central to Habermas’s theory of democracy and how it is deeply rooted in his conception of a political public sphere. After recalling Habermas’s views on the public sphere, I present and discuss various objections raised by other critical theorists: Oskar Negt and Alexander Kluge, Nancy Fraser, Axel Honneth and Iris Marion Young. These criticisms insist on the paradoxically excluding effects of a conception of democracy that promotes civic participation in the public debate. Negt, Kluge and Fraser develop a Marxist line of analysis that question who can participate in the public sphere. Honneth and Young criticize in various ways the excluding effect of argumentation: are unargumentative speeches excluded from the public debate? I show how Habermas’s model can provide some responses to these various objections by drawing inspiration from his treatment of the gap between religious and post-metaphysical world views.


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