scholarly journals A Domestic Space: The Central and Eastern Carpathians in the Polish Tourist and Local Lore Discourse, 1918–1939

2019 ◽  
pp. 33-62
Author(s):  
Jagoda Wierzejska

The article presents various ways of ideologization of the Central (Boyko and Lemko regions) and Eastern (Hutsul region) Carpathians in interwar Poland. After the Polish-Ukrainian War (1918–1919), that part of the Carpathian mountain range was situated in the Second Polish Republic. In contrast to the Tatras, which played the role of Polish national landscape, the Carpathians were alien to Poles in terms of ethnicity and culture. Thus, the Polish authorities, as well as touristic and local lore organizations, sought and largely managed to transform these mountains into a domestic landscape, which was no center of national identity but constituted an important spot on the mental map of the Polish national community, recognized as an undeniable part of Polish statehood. The article shows how the exoticization of the Carpathians, state holidays, and the development of state-funded mass tourism resulted in the increased sense of familiarity between Polish lowlanders and highlanders and, consequently, the symbolic inscription of the Carpathians into the Polish domain and common imagination.

2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabor Földvary

AbstractThe baffling duality of the Carpathian Mountain Range and the Basin it surrounds is briefly discussed. The various attempts at solving the nature of this duality, including plate tectonics with its micro-plates are mentioned. The component ranges of the Carpathians and the structural belts are given, followed by the discussion of the Carpathian Basin System, the Interior, consisting of the Great Hungarian Plain, Transdanubia, the two groups of Central Mountains, also the Apuseni (Bihar) Mountains and the Banat Contact Belt. Economic ore deposits are featured in the relevant sections.


Author(s):  
Roman Korshuk

The article analyses the concept of the nation of the French thinker Ernest Renan. The role of objective factors in nation-building processes is considered, the inadmissibility of absolutisation of the role of these factors in the formation of the nation is indicated. The reasons for E. Renan's criticism of the identification of nation and race are investigated. In particular, the anti-scientific and anti-democratic nature of such identification is pointed out. The concept of the nation as a daily plebiscite and its connection with the common history and destiny is analysed. The importance of the national idea in the process of nation formation is pointed out. In particular, the role of national myths, the myths of the "victim nation" and the "hero nation", and historical oblivion in the processes of nation-building is analysed. The results of the study were obtained by applying the following methods: structural and functional - to analyse the role of objective and subjective factors influencing the processes of nation-building, their relationship; comparative - to compare the importance of territory, dynasty, statehood, common interests, race, language, religion and national identity in the process of nation-building; institutional method - for the analysis of the daily plebiscite as a process of mental and socio-political institutionalisation of the collective will, which is the basis for the continuous reproduction of the national community; causal analysis - to reveal the specific historical circumstances of the formation of the plebiscite concept of the nation of E. Renan, in particular the influence on the formation of his views on the consequences of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. Ernest Renan entered the history of the development of socio-political thought as the author of the concept of the nation, which is a combination of psychological, historical and democratic elements. Renan's concept organically combines national identity as the basis of the nation with the democratic nature of national choice (daily plebiscite). This combination forms nationally conscious citizens who together make up the nation and embody its collective will. The existence of nations as the collective wills of nationally conscious individuals is the key to the law in domestic politics and international relations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 209-218
Author(s):  
Lev E. Shaposhnikov

The paper analyses the evolution of Yu. Samarin’s ideas from rationalism to “holistic knowledge”. Special attention is paid to the philosopher’s conceptualization of the key role of religion for a nation. The author also examines the scholar’s position concerning the promotion of patriotism as an important impetus for social development. Emphasis is made on analyzing the interaction of universal and national aspects in the educational process, as well as on the value of national identity in the field of humanities. The article also presents Yu. Samarin’s critical evaluation of the government educational policy and his suggestions on increasing its effectiveness. The author notes the relevance of Yu. Samarin’s views for the contemporary philosophical and educational context.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Gisela K. Cánepa

Nation branding plays a central role within neoliberal governmentality, operating as a technology of power in the configuration of emerging cultural and political formations such as national identity, citizenship and the state. The discussion of the advertising spot Perú, Nebraska  released as part of the Nation Branding campaign Marca Perú  in May of 2011, constitutes a great opportunity to: (i) argue about the way in which audiovisual advertisement products, designed as performative devises, operate as technologies of power; and (ii) problematize the terms in which it founds a new social contract for the Peruvian multicultural national community. This analysis will allow me to approach neoliberalism as a cultural regime in order to discuss the ideological nature of the uncontested celebratory discourse that has emerged in Perú and which explains the economic growth of the last decades as the outcome of a national entrepreneurial spirit that would be distinctive of Peruvian cultural identity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Mouhcine El-Hajjami ◽  
Souad Slaoui

The present paper aims at examining the extent to which Moroccan cinema could establish a diasporic visual discourse that cements national identity and contests the impact of westernization on migrants. Moreover, through the analysis the way in which independent identities are constructed in the host land, the article tries to incorporate a feminist discourse to highlight the role of the female subject in retrieving its own agency by challenging patriarchal oppression. Therefore, we argue that Mohammed Ismail’s feature-length film Ici et là (Here and There) has partially succeeded in creating a space for its diasporic subjects to build up their own independent identities beyond the scope of westernization and patriarchy.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 206
Author(s):  
Pål Ketil Botvar

The Norwegian National Day (17 May, also referred to as Constitution Day) stands out as one of the most popular National Day celebrations in Europe. According to surveys, around seven out of every 10 Norwegians take part in a public celebration during this day. This means that the National Day potentially has an impact on the way people reflect upon national identity and its relationship to the Lutheran heritage. In this paper, I will focus on the role religion plays in the Norwegian National Day rituals. Researchers have described these rituals as both containing a significant religious element and being rather secularized. In this article, I discuss the extent to which the theoretical concepts civil religion and religious nationalism can help us understand the role of religion, or the absence of religion, in these rituals. Based on surveys of the general population, I analyze both indicators of civil religion and religious nationalism. The two phenomena are compared by looking at their relation to such items as patriotism, chauvinism, and xenophobia. The results show that civil religion explains participation in the National Day rituals better than religious nationalism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 401-428
Author(s):  
Miriam R. Lowi

Studies of identity and belonging in Gulf monarchies tend to privilege tribal or religious affiliation, if not the protective role of the ruler as paterfamilias. I focus instead on the ubiquitous foreigner and explore ways in which s/he contributes to the definition of national community in contemporary gcc states. Building upon and moving beyond the scholarly literature on imported labor in the Gulf, I suggest that the different ‘categories’ of foreigners impact identity and the consolidation of a community of privilege, in keeping with the national project of ruling families. Furthermore, I argue that the ‘European,’ the non-gcc Arab, and the predominantly Asian (and increasingly African) laborer play similar, but also distinct roles in the delineation of national community: while they are differentially incorporated in ways that protect the ‘nation’ and appease the citizen-subject, varying degrees of marginality reflect Gulf society’s perceptions or aspirations of the difference between itself and ‘the other(s).’


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