scholarly journals The pragmatic functions of the marker sawa in spoken Swahili

2019 ◽  
pp. 29-55
Author(s):  
Magreth Kibiki

This study examines the pragmatic functions of the marker sawa in spoken Swahili. The data have been obtained from informal conversations made by Swahili speakers in informal social settings. These settings include “vijiwe vya kahawa” (setting of informal conversations created around people drinking coffee) and “vijiwe vya mamantilie” (setting of informal conversations created around women preparing and selling food on the streets). The analysis of the data, performed within the framework of the contextualization theory (Gumperz 1982), shows that, apart from its basic connotation of agreement, the marker sawa conveys other meanings, depending on these very contexts of communication, and therefore acquires also various pragmatic functions. The pragmatic functions identified in this work include: to show that the speaker agrees with what has been said but on a condition (I agree, but…), as a receipt marker, as a tag-positioned-comprehension check, as an answer to the question showing that the speaker has understood what has been said (Yes, I understand), as a continuer, as a negative releasing marker, and as a gap filler. Interestingly, the study shows also that intonation and other paralinguistic features (like gestures) play a role in determining the pragmatic functions of this marker. The article concludes that the pragmatic markers in spoken Swahili are rich in meanings and are used to show speakers’ attitudes and emotions, therefore manifesting a deep and meaningful interconnection between the language and its contextualized experience.

Author(s):  
Magrieth Kibiki ◽  
Pendo Salu Malangwa

This study examines the pragmatic functions of the pragmatic markers ah in spoken Kiswahili. The data has been obtained from informal conversations made by Swahili speakers in informal social settings. These include ‘vijiwe vya kahawa’ (setting of informal conversations created around people drinking coffee) and ‘vijiwe vya mamantilie’ (setting of informal conversations around women preparing and selling food on the streets). Using Conversation Analysis (Sacks, 1962) and Contextualization Theory (Gumpers, 1982), the results show that the pragmatic marker ah conveys different meanings depending on context of use and hence has various pragmatic functions. Among the pragmatic functions identified in this article are; to be used as gap filler (the interlocutor is thinking about what to say), is used to start the conversation, is used to disagree with what the other interlocutor has said, to show that the speaker has changed from the state of not knowing to the state of knowing (Now I get you) and to show exclamation. Interestingly, also, the study shows that intonation and other paralinguistic features (like gestures) play a role in determining the pragmatic functions of this marker. Generally, this article concludes that pragmatic markers in spoken Kiswahili are rich in meanings. Therefore, they are wealthy to be investigated.


1996 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 1035-1036
Author(s):  
Russell G. Geen
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 117 (2) ◽  
pp. 465-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren J. Human ◽  
Marie-Catherine Mignault ◽  
Jeremy C. Biesanz ◽  
Katherine H. Rogers
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Youssef A. Haddad

This chapter defines attitude datives as evaluative and relational pragmatic markers that allow the speaker to present material from a specific perspective and to invite the hearer to view the material from the same perspective. It identifies three types of context that are pertinent to the analysis of these datives. These are the sociocultural context (e.g., values, beliefs), the situational context (i.e., identities, activity types), and the co-textual context (e.g., contextualization cues). The chapter draws on Cognitive Grammar and Theory of Stance and puts forth a sociocognitive model called the stancetaking stage model. In this model, when a speaker uses an attitude dative construction, she directs her hearer’s attention to the main content of her message and instructs him to view this content through the attitude dative as a filter. In this sense, the attitude dative functions as a perspectivizer and the main content becomes a perspectivized thought.


This book examines the way schizophrenia is shaped by its social context: how life is lived with this madness in different settings, and what it is about those settings that alters the course of the illness, its outcome, and even the structure of its symptoms. Until recently, schizophrenia was perhaps our best example—our poster child—for the “bio-bio-bio” model of psychiatric illness: genetic cause, brain alteration, pharmacologic treatment. We now have direct epidemiological evidence that people are more likely to fall ill with schizophrenia in some social settings than in others, and more likely to recover in some social settings than in others. Something about the social world gets under the skin. This book presents twelve case studies written by psychiatric anthropologists that help to illustrate some of the variability in the social experience of schizophrenia and that illustrate the main hypotheses about the different experience of schizophrenia in the west and outside the west--and in particular, why schizophrenia seems to have a more benign course and outcome in India. We argue that above all it is the experience of “social defeat” that increases the risk and burden of schizophrenia, and that opportunities for social defeat are more abundant in the modern west. There is a new role for anthropology in the science of schizophrenia. Psychiatric science has learned—epidemiologically, empirically, quantitatively—that our social world makes a difference. But the highly structured, specific-variable analytic methods of standard psychiatric science cannot tell us what it is about culture that has that impact. The careful observation enabled by rich ethnography allows us to see in more detail what kinds of social and cultural features may make a difference to a life lived with schizophrenia. And if we understand culture’s impact more deeply, we believe that we may improve the way we reach out to help those who struggle with our most troubling madness.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 ◽  
pp. 1281-1282
Author(s):  
Su Yun Bae ◽  
◽  
Duane Wegener ◽  
Milos Bujisic
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-211
Author(s):  
Nazila Zarghi ◽  
Soheil Dastmalchian Khorasani

Abstract Evidence based social sciences, is one of the state-of- the-art area in this field. It is making decisions on the basis of conscientious, explicit and judicious use of the best available evidence from multiple sources. It also could be conducive to evidence based social work, i.e a kind of evidence based practice in some extent. In this new emerging field, the research findings help social workers in different levels of social sciences such as policy making, management, academic area, education, and social settings, etc.When using research in real setting, it is necessary to do critical appraisal, not only for trustingon internal validity or rigor methodology of the paper, but also for knowing in what extent research findings could be applied in real setting. Undoubtedly, the latter it is a kind of subjective judgment. As social sciences findings are highly context bound, it is necessary to pay more attention to this area. The present paper tries to introduce firstly evidence based social sciences and its importance and then propose criteria for critical appraisal of research findings for application in society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25242644 ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Alina Lisnevska

The myth-making processes in the communicative space are the «cornerstone» of ideology at all times of mankind’s existence. One of the tools of the effective impact of propaganda is trust in information. Today this come round due to the dissemination of information on personalized video content in social networks, including through converged media. New myths and social settings are creating, fate of the countries is being solved, public opinion is being formed. It became possible to create artificially a model of social installation using the myths (the smallest indivisible element of the myth) based on real facts, but with the addition of «necessary» information. In the 20–30 years of the XX century cinematograph became the most powerful screen media. The article deals with the main ideological messages of the Ukrainian Soviet film «Koliivshchyna» (1933). In the period of mass cinematography spread in the Soviet Ukraine, the tape was aimed at a grand mission – creation of a new mythology through the interpretation of the true events and a con on the public, propaganda of the Soviet ideology. This happened in the tragic period of Ukrainian history (1933, the Holodomor) through the extrapolation of historical truth and its embodiment in the most formative form at that time – the form of the screen performance. The Soviet authorities used the powerful influence of the screen image to propagate dreams, illusions, images, stereotypes that had lost any reference to reality. I. Kavaleridze’s film «Koliivshchyna» demonstrates the interpretation of historical events and national ideas, the interpretation of a relatively remote past through the ideology of the «Soviet-era». The movie is created as a part of the political conjuncture of the early 1930s: the struggle against Ukrainian «bourgeois nationalism» and against the «Union of Liberation Ukraine», the repressive policies against the peasants, the close-out of the «back to the roots» policy. The movie, on the one hand, definitely addresses to the Ukrainian ideas, on the other hand it was made at the period of the repressions against the Ukrainian peasantry. In the movie «Koliivshchyna», despite the censorship, I. Kavaleridze manages to create a national inclusive narrative that depicts Ukrainian space as multi-ethnic and diverse, but at the same time nationally colorful.


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