scholarly journals Tourism and event organization in the promotion of Vietnamese culture to Japan

Author(s):  
Luu Tuan Anh

In the current integration as deep, cultural promotion is an indispensable trend of most countries in the world in the strategy of expanding international relations and developing countries in all aspects. Cultural promotion is capable of addressing the great challenges of the era towards sustainability, such as challenges of poverty, backwardness, instability, and conflict. When the cultures of countries are in contact with each other, the promotion of culture is really necessary. For Vietnam, cultural promotion is an effective means of cultural globalization and a positive measure for Vietnam to build and expand Vietnam's soft power to the world. In recent years, Vietnam has had many activities to promote international cooperation relations with Japan, especially in the early years of the 21st century. This article confirms in the context of the promotion strategy of Vietnamese culture to Japan, tourism activities, and event organization as important channels to attract mutual understanding between the two countries. It also helps promote the image of the country, people, and culture of Vietnam to Japan. Since then, this will create a strong international relationship between the two countries and create favorable development conditions for Vietnam in the world.

Author(s):  
Natalia Markushina

The chapter is devoted to the problem of the formation of “soft power” in the Eurasian space. All attempts to find a common language between states in the world lead to the fact that an appeal to “soft power” appears more and more often on the states' agenda as a tool of achieving the goals of the states, including the states of Eurasian region. The concept of “soft power”, introduced into the circulation of the modern theory of international relations by J. Nye, is being actively discussed in Russia. In recent years, President V. Putin and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia S. Lavrov were repeatedly called upon to multiply the Russian resource of “soft power” for solving foreign policy tasks. Undoubtedly, this is also valid when we speak about Eurasian integration.


Author(s):  
A. Goltsov

The article analyzes the controversial issues of the relationship between leadership and hegemony in international relations, especially in the context of geostrategy of the informal neo-empires. Ideally, leadership of the certain actor means that other actors voluntarily accept its proposed values, norms and rules, recognize its authority to implement a policy for the realization of common goals. Hegemony is the dominance of a particular actor (hegemon) over other actors, establishing his controls over them, imposing its political, economic and cultural values. Hegemony in international relations is carried out usually covertly and often presented as a leadership. Leadership and hegemony are possible at various levels of the geopolitical organization in the world. We treat leadership and hegemony as mechanisms of implementation of a geostrategy of powerful actors of international relations, particularly of informal neo-empires. Each of the contemporary informal neo-empires develops and implements geostrategy, aimed at ensuring its hegemony, usually covert, within a certain geospace and realizes it as a means of a both “hard” and “soft” power. The USA, which is the main “center” of the Western macro-empire, trys to maintain its world leadership, and at the same time secure a covert hegemony over the strategically important regions of the world. The EU is a neo-imperial alliance and has geostrategy of “soft” hegemony. Russia opposes the hegemony of the West and advocates the formation of a multipolar world order with the “balance of power”. The RF carries in the international arena neo-imperial geostrategy in the international arena directed to increase its role in the world and ensure its hegemony in the post-Soviet space.


Author(s):  
Olga Pliasun

The article considers the linguistic specifics of modeling the image of Taras Shevchenko in foreign media. The author's attention is focused on the great image-forming potential of this iconic, precedent for Ukrainian culture personality and the importance of its correct presentation in the modern media space. It is determined that Ukrainians themselves are the main creators of image texts about Kobzar in the world media. Thus, three main channels of image information about Shevchenko abroad are analyzed: (1) cultural diplomacy as a part of the "soft power" policy; (2) the Ukrainian diaspora, which addresses the figure of Kobzar in the media; (3) information resources of world encyclopedic publications dedicated to the poet. Thus, the study of the linguistic and image specifics of the representation of Shevchenko in the foreign media proves that a great deal of image-making work in this aspect is carried out by cultural diplomacy, which represents Ukraine and its national cultural products in the world information space. Thanks to the efforts of cultural diplomacy, Shevchenko is known and appreciated abroad, as evidenced by the activities of Ukrainian embassies. In the context of linguistic imageology, the information presented by Ukrainian embassies is unambiguously of image nature, which confirms the use of effective linguistic means of image modeling: metaphors, personifications, emotionally-evaluative lexemes, epithet forms of the word, which verbalize positive author's assessment of the covered information. An equally important linguistic tool for modeling the poet's image is the use of creolized media texts that have great suggestive properties and significant image potential. In addition, Shevchenko's positive image abroad is successfully constructed by the media resources of the Ukrainian diaspora. The author's attention in this research context is attracted by the leading Canadian and Australian media. From the standpoint of linguistic imageology, effective means of forming the image of Kobzar in the considered foreign media are emotional and evaluative lexemes with elements of hyperbole, paraphrase with a positive semantics, the use of oxymoron etc. The article emphasizes that Shevchenko's positive image abroad is created not only at the textual level, but also at the extralinguistic level, which is realized in the annual holding of numerous mass events related to the celebration of Shevchenko's days. In turn, a high assessment of the poet's work and his role in Ukrainian cultural life is found in world encyclopedic publications: Encyclopædia Britannica, Oxford World Encyclopedia, bibliographic fund of The Library of Congress etc. Thus, the study convinces that Taras Shevchenko is a bright image figure of modern foreign media space, which forms not only internal but also external image of Ukraine. That is why its correct presentation in world media should be one of the priorities of the national image strategy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 258 ◽  
pp. 05003
Author(s):  
Thanh Hang Pham ◽  
Ekaterina Nikolaeva

In the context globalization today, peaceful cooperation, mutual substainable development, avoiding conflict and confrontation is becoming the main trend in foreign policy of several countries and regions. Therefore, the use of cultural strength as a source of soft power to enhance the national image, power and position is particularly focused in international relations in the 21st century. Buddhism is a major religion, which has a deep influence and popularity all over the world. Originating from India, Buddhism has spread to Eastern and Western cultures, it contributes to enriching the soft power of India. The development of Buddhism creates a cultural link between India and the world, helping to expand the influence of India by the power of culture and religious faith. Through Buddhism, people know and admire India as an ancient culture of the East. The article analyzes the widespread pervasiveness of Indian Buddhism as a source of Indian soft power in three countries in Northeast Asia - Japan, South Korea, and China as a concrete example for this.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (41) ◽  
pp. 34-44
Author(s):  
Khanh Tiet Pham ◽  
Tung Thanh Diep

The world is changing rapidly, the power of countries is shifting from traditional "hard power" to taking advantage of "soft power", including the strength aspect of culture. This article focuses on reviewing cultural approaches and the role of cultural policies in promoting national soft power. In particular, the experiences of the US and China in formulating, implementing cultural policies and promoting the soft power of culture are respectively emphasized. The lesson that can be learned from changes in the world situation is that the role of culture and soft power has always been an important force in the foreign policy of countries. Thereal prestige of a country formed through the process of international relations and cultural promotion is considered as a solid foundation of soft power. That prestige can be built from the good cultural values that the country has, pursues and influences other countries.


Author(s):  
A. Goltsov

The article analyzes the controversial issues of the relationship between leadership and hegemony in international relations, especially in the context of geostrategy of the informal neo-empires. Ideally, leadership of the certain actor means that other actors voluntarily accept its proposed values, norms and rules, recognize its authority to implement a policy for the realization of common goals. Hegemony is the dominance of a particular actor (hegemon) over other actors, establishing his controls over them, imposing its political, economic and cultural values. Hegemony in international relations is carried out usually covertly and often presented as a leadership. Leadership and hegemony are possible at various levels of the geopolitical organization in the world. We treat leadership and hegemony as mechanisms of implementation of a geostrategy of powerful actors of international relations, particularly of informal neo-empires. Each of the contemporary informal neo-empires develops and implements geostrategy, aimed at ensuring its hegemony, usually covert, within a certain geospace and realizes it as a means of a both “hard” and “soft” power. The USA, which is the main “center” of the Western macro-empire, trys to maintain its world leadership, and at the same time secure a covert hegemony over the strategically important regions of the world. The EU is a neo-imperial alliance and has geostrategy of “soft” hegemony. Russia opposes the hegemony of the West and advocates the formation of a multipolar world order with the “balance of power”. The RF carries in the international arena neo-imperial geostrategy in the international arena directed to increase its role in the world and ensure its hegemony in the post-Soviet space.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
Devi Yusvitasari

A country needs to make contact with each other based on the national interests of each country related to each other, including among others economic, social, cultural, legal, political, and so on. With constant and continuous association between the nations of the world, it is one of the conditions for the existence of the international community. One form of cooperation between countries in the world is in the form of international relations by placing diplomatic representation in various countries. These representatives have diplomatic immunity and diplomatic immunity privileges that are in accordance with the jurisdiction of the recipient country and civil and criminal immunity for witnesses. The writing of the article entitled "The Application of the Principle of Non-Grata Persona to the Ambassador Judging from the Perspective of International Law" describes how the law on the abuse of diplomatic immunity, how a country's actions against abuse of diplomatic immunity and how to analyze a case of abuse of diplomatic immunity. To answer the problem used normative juridical methods through the use of secondary data, such as books, laws, and research results related to this research topic. Based on the results of the study explained that cases of violations of diplomatic relations related to the personal immunity of diplomatic officials such as cases such as cases of persecution by the Ambassador of Saudi Arabia to Indonesian Workers in Germany are of serious concern. The existence of diplomatic immunity is considered as protection so that perpetrators are not punished. Actions against the abuse of recipient countries of diplomatic immunity may expel or non-grata persona to diplomatic officials, which is stipulated in the Vienna Convention in 1961, because of the right of immunity attached to each diplomatic representative.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.


Author(s):  
Valentyna Bohatyrets

The paper provides the framework for embracing multiculturalism as a source of national identity, a political ‘profession de foi’, and an engine for a government to gain positive outcomes, leading to better immigrant integration and economic advantages for any country in the world. Noteworthy, Canadian federal policy of multiculturalism, since its official adoption in 1971, is witnessed to work stunningly and in contrast to developments elsewhere – in Canada, public support for multiculturalism is seeing unprecedented growth. Currently, the diversity of the Canadian populace is increasing faster than at any time in its history; Canada’s ethnic makeup has notably altered over the time due to changing immigration patterns. According to the latest poll findings, 84% of Canadians agree with the statement that ‘Canada’s multicultural makeup is one of the best things about this country’; 61% of Canadians believe multiculturalism ‘strengthens national identity’. Moreover, released data from Environics reveals that 27% of Canadians believe ‘multiculturalism is the one characteristic about Canada that most deserves to be celebrated on its upcoming 150thanniversary. Undeniably, people around the world tend to view Canada as “good”. Importantly, the election of Justin Trudeau is viewed as an excellent opportunity to invigorate brand Canada. Noteworthy, brand Justin Trudeau is currently composed of his belief in and promotion of the values of tolerance, equality and diversity. While recognizing the value for society of the human dignity inherent in each individual, Trudeau’s government aims to push beyond mere tolerance to mutual understanding and respect. Keywords: Multiculturalism of Canada, immigration, digital diplomacy, brand, national identity, poll, ethnic groups


1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-106
Author(s):  
M. A. Muqtedar Khan

This paper seeks to understand the impact of current global politicaland socioeconomic conditions on the construction of identity. I advancean argument based on a two-step logic. First, I challenge the characterizationof current socioeconomic conditions as one of globalization bymarshaling arguments and evidence that strongly suggest that along withglobalization, there are simultaneous processes of localization proliferatingin the world today. I contend that current conditions are indicative ofthings far exceeding the scope of globalization and that they can bedescribed more accurately as ccglocalization.~H’2a ving established thisclaim, I show how the processes of glocalization affect the constructionof Muslim identity.Why do I explore the relationship between glocalization and identityconstruction? Because it is significant. Those conversant with current theoreticaldebates within the discipline of international relations’ are awarethat identity has emerged as a significant explanatory construct in internationalrelations theory in the post-Cold War era.4 In this article, I discussthe emergence of identity as an important concept in world politics.The contemporary field of international relations is defined by threephilosophically distinct research programs? rationalists: constructivists,’and interpretivists.’ The moot issue is essentially a search for the mostimportant variable that can help explain or understand the behavior ofinternational actors and subsequently explain the nature of world politicsin order to minimize war and maximize peace.Rationalists contend that actors are basically rational actors who seekthe maximization of their interests, interests being understood primarilyin material terms and often calculated by utility functions maximizinggiven preferences? Interpretivists include postmodernists, critical theorists,and feminists, all of whom argue that basically the extant worldpolitical praxis or discourses “constitute” international agents and therebydetermine their actions, even as they reproduce world politics by ...


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