scholarly journals Process of normalizing the relation with China under the reform of foreign policy of The Communist Party of Vietnam (1986-1991)

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-36
Author(s):  
Vinh Phuc Pham

At the 6th National Congress (from Dec. 5, 1986 to Dec. 18, 1986), the Communist Party of Vietnam pointed out a new policy of fundamental renovation for the whole country, among which foreign diplomacy was one issue. Particularly for China, the Communist Party of Vietnam aimed to accelerate the normalization process of Vietnam-China relationships. To successfully carry out the policy, Vietnamese Communist Party had been taking actions proposing negotiations to normalize relationships and to ease tensions between the two countries since 1986; however, China then did not want to. Until 1989, the world faced many changes. As a result, tense relationships between Vietnam and China were no longer suitable with the trends of peace and cooperation in international and regional relationships. China then continued peace talks with Vietnam, and in November 1991, the two countries set up normal relationships with each other.

Significance Delhi and Hanoi declared a ‘strategic partnership’ in 2007 and a ‘comprehensive strategic partnership’ in 2016. Each is wary of China’s growing power. Impacts Election of new leaders at the Communist Party of Vietnam’s upcoming national congress will have little impact on Hanoi’s foreign policy. India will resist calls to join the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Cambodia and Laos will remain the two ASEAN members most closely aligned with China.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Eduard Soler i Lecha ◽  

2022 will be a year for re-evaluating the limits of inequality, restrictive measures, the stimulus plans, geopolitical tensions, or trust in institutions. The economic and emotional recovery will be uneven and will be conditioned to distresses in the rivalry between great powers, price increases and the full overcoming of the pandemic. The world does not have a problem of diagnosis. The necessity and urgency of the ongoing socio-economic, technological and climate transitions are well-known. Where there is debate, it concerns which type of leadership is best equipped or has most legitimacy to pilot this change, how the process should be conducted to ensure the lowest possible social costs and where the point of no return lies. 2022 is a year when international leaderships face re-examination in key elections in places such as France, Brazil, Hungary, the US (midterms) and at the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. Which kinds of ideas, people and models will enjoy most support and legitimacy?


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicky Reynaert

Summary In the past, the effectiveness of the European Union’s (EU’s) foreign policy suffered from a lack of consistency as well as horizontal and institutional coherence. In order to enhance the consistency and coherence of the EU’s foreign policy, the Heads of States and Governments reformed the position of High Representative and created a European External Action Service (EEAS) under the Treaty of Lisbon. This article deals with negotiations on the decision regarding the organization and functioning of the EEAS by examining the preferences of the actors involved, the negotiation process and the eventual outcome. Will the institutional set-up of the EEAS and the new position of the High Representative enable the EU to play a more consistent and coherent role in the world? The article concludes that the EU’s foreign policy is now characterized by an even more complex institutional framework, resulting in the expectation that the EU will have even more difficulties in conducting an effective foreign policy.


China Report ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 374-392
Author(s):  
Jabin T. Jacob

The COVID-19 pandemic has dented China’s image as an efficient party-state, given how an effort to cover up the outbreak and the resulting delays in reporting led to the virus spreading beyond its origins in Wuhan in Hubei province to the rest of the country as well as rapidly across the world. This article examines China’s massive external propaganda effort launched as part of the effort to repair the damage to its global image and interests. It notes how China has not let the situation stop it from pursuing its traditional foreign policy and security interests, including, of competition with the USA. The article also argues that it is the ruling Communist Party of China’s concerns about its legitimacy at home that have determined the nature and scale of Chinese responses to the pandemic outside its borders.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 421-437
Author(s):  
J. N. Guseva

This article deals with the study of the views of the Soviet intelligence on the so-called short-lived “Caliphate movement”, which originates from the then British India. Even after its official abolition in 1924, this institution did not lose its symbolic appeal for Muslims across the world. As an idea it continued offering the Muslims a sense of the umma i.e. the global community of Muslims. The author offers the Soviet intelligence interpretation of the idea of the Caliphate movement in the context of the Soviet “eastern” foreign policy. The article describes this issue through the prism of interaction between the Eastern Department of the OGPU (USSR Secret service) and Musa Bigiyev, a prominent Russian Muslim leader of the 19th–20th cent. Based on hitherto unknown archival materials and the most recent Russian and foreign historical studies, the author offers a comparative analysis of the attitudes of various Soviet and Communist Party institutions to the Caliphate idea and the Caliphate movement in the context of anti-colonial, anti-European struggle. In conclusion article shows the discrepancy between the strategy and tactics of Soviet intelligence services as opposed to the views of European (in particular, British) intelligence services. As a result, these activities contributed to the restriction of independence of the Russian Muslim elite on one handside, strengthening the anti-Caliphate feelings and Islamophobic views among the Soviet management elite on the other.


Subject Prospect for politics in China in 2018. Significance Last month’s 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party saw President Xi Jinping confirmed as the single most powerful person in China. He can now pursue his ambitions for the country with tighter coordination and greater intensity. These include transforming China into a dominant influence on the world stage.


2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (113) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chuluun-Erdene Terbish

Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the CPC has entered a new stage of innovation in diplomatic theory and practice, forming Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy, which will continue to guide China's major-country diplomacy in the new era. The new diplomatic strategy of the new Chinese government led by Xi Jinping has three features. First, it hopes to actively build a new model of major-country relations. Second, it hopes to build a “destiny community of neighboring countries” diplomacy. Third, to look forward to building a new type of international relations in which win-win cooperation is the top priority of their foreign policy. In this article, I will introduce the new foreign policy adopted by China since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and the neighborhood diplomacy featuring amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness. In addition, it also describes the diplomatic relations between Mongolia and China from 2012 to 2021 and important events within the scope of cooperation between the two countries, especially the friendly stories of mutual support and assistance between China and Mongolia after the outbreak of COVID-19. ХКН-ын XVIII их хурлаас хойших Хятад улсын гадаад бодлогын шинэ үзэл санаа ба Монгол, Хятадын харилцаа Хураангуй: 2012 онд ХКН-ын XVIII их хурал хуралдаж, Ши Жиньпин засгийн эрх барьснаар Хятад улсад гадаад харилцааны шинэ үзэл санаа бүрэлдэн тогтож, тус улс цаашид өөрийн онцлог бүхий их гүрний гадаад бодлого баримтлах болно гэдгээ зарласан билээ. Ши Жиньпин-ээр төвлөсөн Хятадын төрийн удирдлагын гадаад бодлогын шинэ стратеги нэгд, их гүрний шинэ маягийн харилцааг бий болгохыг эрмэлзэж буй. Хоёрт, Хятад улс хөрш улс орнууд хоорондын гадаад харилцаанд өндөр ач холбогдол өгч буй. Гуравт, хамтран ажиллах, хамтдаа хожих хамтын ажиллагааг гол болгосон олон улсын шинэ маягийн харилцааг байгуулахыг эрмэлзэж буй зэрэг онцлогтой байна. Энэхүү өгүүлэлд ХКН-ын XVIII их хурлаас хойших Хятад улсын гадаад бодлогын шинэ үзэл санаа, тэр дундаа хөрш зэргэлдээ улс орнуудад хандан хэрэгжүүлж буй “Ойр дотно, чин сэтгэлийн, харилцан ашигтай, уужуу хүртээмжтэй байх” ба “Хүн төрөлхтний хувь заяаны цогц нэгдэл” хэмээх гадаад бодлогын ойлголтын талаар танилцуулж, 2012-2021 онд Монгол, Хятад хоёр улсын гадаад харилцаа, хамтын ажиллагааны хүрээнд болсон үйл явдал, тэр дундаа аюулт цар тахлын эсрэг хамтдаа тэмцсэн хийгээд хоёр талын харилцан бие биедээ тусалж дэмжиж ирсэн түүхүүдийг өгүүлнэ. Түлхүүр үгс: Хятад улсын гадаад бодлого, Ши Жиньпин, XVIII их хурал, хувь заяаны цогц нэгдэл, Монгол, Хятадын харилцаа


Author(s):  
Michael N. Barnett

How do American Jews envision their role in the world? Are they tribal—a people whose obligations extend solely to their own? Or are they prophetic—a light unto nations, working to repair the world? This book is an interpretation of the effects of these worldviews on the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews since the nineteenth century. The book argues that it all begins with the political identity of American Jews. As Jews, they are committed to their people's survival. As Americans, they identify with, and believe their survival depends on, the American principles of liberalism, religious freedom, and pluralism. This identity and search for inclusion form a political theology of prophetic Judaism that emphasizes the historic mission of Jews to help create a world of peace and justice. The political theology of prophetic Judaism accounts for two enduring features of the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews. They exhibit a cosmopolitan sensibility, advocating on behalf of human rights, humanitarianism, and international law and organizations. They also are suspicious of nationalism—including their own. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that American Jews are natural-born Jewish nationalists, the book charts a long history of ambivalence; this ambivalence connects their early rejection of Zionism with the current debate regarding their attachment to Israel. And, the book contends, this growing ambivalence also explains the rising popularity of humanitarian and social justice movements among American Jews.


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