scholarly journals The countries’ benefits for cooperation in East sea

2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-96
Author(s):  
Thong Dinh Nguyen

The complicated issues the East Sea relate to the strategies of major powers. The process of establishing Sino - U.S. in the 1970s and the failure of the U.S. in Vietnam War could be seen as an opportunity for China to expand its power in the East Sea. The crisis of the Soviet Union in the 1980s and the U.S. bogged down in the War on Terrorin later years created a favorable condition for China to enhance its status and foster conflicts in the East Sea. The Asia - Pacific region, with the increasingly and dynamic development, has attracted concerns of all major powers. The success of China’s economic reform and opening-up policy, along with the arms race and its publicdeclaration to monopolize the East Sea have driven China to be the central concern of the countries in the Asia – Pacific region. Thus, major powers have been forced to adjust their strategies for this region. Fully understanding the great powers’ strategic adjustmentswill help Vietnam response appropriately, combine internal strength with diplomatic struggle to build East Sea into a sea of peace, security and cooperation.

Author(s):  
Ivan Desiatnikov ◽  

The article focuses on the analysis of US-Vietnam relations during the period from 1945 to 1975. The aim of the article is to trace the changes that took place in the US-Vietnam relationship over that period, to identify the factors that influenced them, as well as the approaches used by the heads of the countries to tackle their foreign policy objectives in the region. The author traces the evolution of US policy in Vietnam pursued by Presidents H. Truman, D. Eisenhower, J. Kennedy, L. Johnson and R. Nixon. The United States had diametrically opposed position on relations with the Vietnamese governments, namely, confrontation and military conflict with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and cooperation, military and economic aid to the Republic of Vietnam. The author concludes that the US attitude towards Vietnam was determined by the international situation at that time, including the beginning of the Cold War. The policies of Presidents D. Eisenhower and J. Kennedy were to restrain the expansion of the Communist bloc's sphere of influence. The direct involvement of the US military in the Vietnam conflict, initiated by L. Johnson, pursued the goal of enhancing the prestige of the United States in the global confrontation with the USSR. The split between the Soviet Union and China was used by the US to get out of the Vietnam War and mend relations with China as a counterweight to the Soviet Union in the Asia-Pacific region. Instead, the Republic of Vietnam, which had been the "junior partner" of the United States, was left to its fate.


1990 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 513
Author(s):  
Leszek Buszynski ◽  
Pushpa Thambipillai ◽  
Daniel C. Matuszewski

Asian Survey ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leszek Buszynski

Abstract Russia's position in Asia has been consolidating according to two developments. The first was the restructuring of Russia's presence in the former Soviet Union. Various new groupings have arisen that offer Russia alternatives to the Commonwealth of Independent States. The second was the expansion of Russia's role in the Asia Pacific region and the Korean peninsula, as energy supplier to China and Japan, and as an arms seller.


2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-126
Author(s):  
Justus M. Van Der Kroef

In the Southeast Asian area modalities of political dependence have developed which involve the distinctive typology of clients, silent partners, and proxies. These modalities govern the relationship between the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Laos, and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. They also are operative in the international interaction between the members of the Association of Southeast Asian nations (Asean) and the Western major powers. A set of strategic cooperative arrangements, as well as direct military assistance between Asean, the Commonwealth and the U.S., has its counterpart in similar relations between the U.S.S.R. and the Hanoi dominated lndo-China alliance. As a result, the U.S.-Soviet confrontation in Southeast Asia is expressed politically and strategically primarily through the proxy relationships with the lndo-China states and key Asean members respectively. In turn, there are strong undercurrents in Asean seeking an accommodation with Hanoi, in order to minimize the conflict potential in the region generated by opposing U.S. and Soviet strategic interests. Particularly the relatively warming relationship between the U.S. and People's China has strengthened the Asean fears of China s long-term intentions in the region. An independent Vietnam, free from its proxy-client status toward the Soviet Union, could act as a buffer between China and the Southeast Asian region. Since Hanoi, if only for long-standing nationalistic reasons, wishes to be free from its currently necessary dependence on Moscow, Asean's accommodationist interests may well meet with appreciation in Hanoi in the future. This would tend to lessen the effect of the American-Soviet confrontation in the area.


2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhao Hong

China is now the world’s second largest oil-consuming country after the U.S. Its global efforts to secure oil imports to meet increasing domestic demand have profound implications for international relations in the Asia-Pacific region. China’s rising oil demand and its external quest for oil have thus generated much attention. This paper looks at the possibility of China’s clash with the U.S. and other western countries’ interests in Africa as China’s overseas oil quest intensifies, and China’s perception of this impending rivalry that may lead to a disruption of the U.S. and its allies’ foreign policy and the world order.


2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-26
Author(s):  
Sen Van Vo ◽  
Trung The Nguyen

After Vietnam War and especially the disintegration of the Soviet Union (1991), a “geopolitical vacuum” has appeared in the East Sea. However, the East Sea has not become a geopolitical dispute of the world after a long time. In recent years, after the settlement of hot spots in the Balkans, the Middle East, Central Asia,... and the rise of China, there has been an increase in the East Sea’s geopolitical status. The U.S. has declared its interest in this region. The geopolitics of the East Sea has attracted the attention of many countries all over the world. At the same time, it has also had great influence on the strength, the status and the foreign policy of countries like the U.S., China, Japan, India, Russia and the ASEAN community. When controlling the East Sea, China can break the “siege” of the U.S. and other countries near the East Sea, control the second busiest sea lane in the world, enhance its power and political status. This means that Japan, Russia and India will be surpassed by China in the “Eurasian chessboard”. Thus, there would be so many changes in the complexion of the world. The U.S. concern stems from the rise of China, the freedom of navigation, the U.S. allies and the U.S. unique status. ASEAN Community fears “the claims” of China - a major power trying to extend its power from “regional” to "worldwide". It can be said that just from a regional matter, the geopolitics of East Sea has become a global one. This paper will clarify that geopolitical change.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita ◽  
Denisa Rizkiya

The policy was introduced by the U.S. President Barack Obama early in his first administration in 2010, marked specific changing to the U.S. foreign policy like never before. The U.S. continuously views South and South East Asia, including the Indian Ocean, as a crucial driver for America’s economic growth and prosperity throughout the 21st century. Numerous numbers of cooperation and partnership have been done to enhance the ties between the U.S. and the regions. The U.S. presence and involvement in most essential regional meetings and summits can also be seen as an effort to seek opportunities, politically, economically, as well as security. This article tries to analyze how the U.S. rebalance towards Asia policy, a term used for the U.S.' foreign policy influenced the regional stability in Asia-Pacific region. 


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