scholarly journals Understanding the role of the Catholic Church in the processes of state formation in the religious traditionalism of V. Lipinsky

2013 ◽  
pp. 135-142
Author(s):  
Yuriy Kovtun

The processes of reform and crisis phenomena in the Ukrainian society at the end of the XX - the beginning of the XXI century suggest that a stable ideological and theoretical foundation is lacking for the stable functioning of the modern Ukrainian state and the formation of civil society. On the basis of this, the state-building concepts of the prominent Ukrainian thinkers of the 20th century become very important. The personal place among them is the creative heritage of Vyacheslav Lypynsky, who, despite the dominant socialist approaches to the transformation of Ukrainian society at that time, advocated an alternative conservative-monastic idea of ​​state-building in Ukraine.

2016 ◽  
pp. 171
Author(s):  
Manuel Delgado

Variant constantment d'objecte sense modificar mai d'objectiu, la mentalitat persecutòria porta segles reiterant entre els seus arguments aquell que assenyala els grups o individus a acuitar com a lladres menjadors de nens. L'àpat caníbal, la devoració d'ànimes o la vampirització sexual han estat les figures intercanviables de l'apoderament il·legítim, per part dels malignes, del més fonamental dels aliments que nodreixen tant la societat com l'Estat: els infants. De les acusacions contra els primers cristians fins a la imaginació antisectària dels mass media actuals, la pràctica totalitat dels discursos estigmatitzadors produïts fins ara han inclòs, entre les abominacions atribuïdes als perillosos, la de la seva predilecció per la més fresca de les carns, pel més tendre dels esperits. Entre tots els destinataris d'aquesta imputació, en destaquem un en especial: la mateixa Església catòlica, durant les fases històriques en què els esdeveniments van forçar-la a mudar el seu habitual paper de perseguidora pel de perseguida.Variando constantemente de objeto sin modificar nunca su objetivo, la mentalidad persecutoria lleva siglos reiterando en sus argumentos aquél que señala a los grupos o individuos a hostigar como ladrones comedores de carne infantil. El banquete caníbal, la devoración de almas o la vampirización sexual han sido las figuras intercambiables del apoderamiento ilegítimo, por los malignos, del más fundamental de los alimentos de que tanto la sociedad corno el Estado se nutren: los niños. De las acusaciones dirigidas contra los primeros cristianos basta la imaginación antisectaria de lo mass media actuales, la práctica totalidad de los discursos estigmatizadores producidos basta ahora han incorporado entre las abominaciones atribuidas a los peligrosos la de su predilección por la más fresca de las carnes, por el mismo tiempo de los espíritus. Entre todos los destinatarios de tal imputación, se destaca aquí uno en especial: la propia iglesia católica, durante las fases históricas en que los acontecimientos la forzaron a mudar su habitual papel de perseguidora en el de perseguida.Variant constamment d'objet sans jamais modifier son objectif, la mentalité persécutrice depuis des siècles réitère parmi ses arguments celui qui consiste à signaler les groupes ou les individus à fustiger comme des voleurs mangeurs de chair d'enfant. Le banquet cannibale, le repas d'âmes ou le vampirisme sexuel ont été les figures interchangeables de l'appropriation illégitime, par les malins, du plus fondamental des aliments dont aussí bien la société que les Etats se nourrissent: les enfants. Des accusations visant les premiers chrétiens jusqu'à l'imagination anti-sectaire des mass media actuels, la quasi-totalité des discours de stigmatisation produits jusqu'à nos jours ont incorporé, parmi les abominations attribuées aux êtres dangereux, celle de leur prédilection pour la plus fraîche de toutes les chairs, pour le plus tendre des esprits. Parmi tous les destinataires d'une telle imputation, on en remarque ici tout spécialement un: l'Eglise catholique elle-même, au cours des phases historiques pendant lesquelles les événements l'obligeront à taire son habituel rôle de persécutrice et à endosser celui de persécutée.Constantly changing its object without ever altering its objective, persecutory imagination has, for centuries, repeatedly singied out the argument which points to groups or individuals to be censured as thieving eaters of child-flesh. The cannibal banquet, the devouring of souls and sexual vampirism have been the interchangeable figures in the illegitimate seizure, by the perverse, of the most basic stuff on which both society and the state feed: children. Ranging from the accusations hurled at the first Christians to the antisectarian imagination of today's mass media, practically all stigmatizing discourse produced to date has numbered the predilection for that freshest of all fresh, the most tender off all souls, among the abominations attributed to the dangerous. Of all those accused of this charge, there is one which particularly stands out here: the Catholic church itself, during the phases of its history when events forced it to change its usual role of persecutor for that of persecuted.


Author(s):  
Mario Roberto Morales

Guatemala is one of the most complicated countries in the Latin American region, especially because of the interethnic dimensions of its historical processes. Its history goes back 35,000 years, when the territory was first populated. Thereafter, it saw the development of the most advanced culture in the Americas: The Maya civilization. No less interesting is its colonial history. The years of the war of conquest and the centuries of colonial rule by the Spaniards are the very matrix in which all of the complicated ethnic differences among its peoples originated. These differences give an ethnic face to the economic, political, social, and cultural powers and events in everyday life. The name Criollos (Creole) was given to the sons and grandsons of Spaniards born in the Americas. The formation of a Creole or Criollo motherland in the hearts and minds of the descendants of the conquistadors quickly developed because of the feudal land ownership imposed by the invaders, which provided the Criollos with a love of private property. Land ownership disputes among the Criollo elites gave way to wars that led to a failed attempt at Central American unity by liberals against the conservative forces representing the interests of the Catholic Church in matters of state. In the end, a liberal “modernity” was imposed, but this modernity contained a basic contradiction that remains alive to this day: A feudal land tenure as the basis of a supposed democratic liberal state that, oddly enough, often took the form of military dictatorships. The impossibility of modernity characterizes the Guatemalan 20th century. An authoritarian state and army represented the oligarchic Criollo power throughout the first four decades of that century until a civic and military movement overthrew the dictator in charge, General Jorge Ubico. Democracy was established, thus modernizing the state and all public affairs, and the foundations of a “democratic Capitalism” (as President Jacobo Arbenz called it in his inauguration speech) were laid through a land reform affecting only public lands and buying private non-cultivated properties at a fair market price. In the midst of the Cold War, this meant defiance against the U.S. government. In 1954, the CIA, the local oligarchy, the Catholic Church hierarchy, and a faction of the National Army, perpetrated a coup d’état that ended Guatemala’s path toward real economic, political, and cultural modernity. The country went back to where it was: Oligarchic and military rule and the overexploitation of the landless campesino workforce, especially in the indigenous communities of Maya ascent. In the early 1960s Guatemalans experienced the emergence of a guerrilla socialist movement inspired by the Cuban revolution that unleashed a war that lasted 36 years until peace accords were signed in 1996 by a militarily defeated guerrilla force and a triumphant National Army. This “peace” was the local requisite imposed by the corporate transnational capital on the local oligarchy to install a neoliberal regime in the country. Immediately after the peace accords were signed, the oligarchic government of Álvaro Arzú began to privatize public assets like the electric and telephone companies. The effect on the popular sectors and the middle class was devastating. The state abandoned its development plans, and this responsibility was shifted to international funding agencies. The resultant non-governmental organizations (NGOs) began to call themselves “civil society” and still do today. This simulacrum of a civil society was composed by well-funded groups of ex–left-wing militants and sympathizers that soon embraced and advanced issues related to multiculturalism, following the international agenda of the funding agencies. Class struggle was totally abandoned by these politically correct NGOs, which soon became “new social movements.” Public powers were absorbed by illegal private powers now in association with drug trafficking and many other forms of organized crime. Neoliberalism became the national economic paradigm. And when public corruption was incontrollable, the United States intervened, waging a “struggle against corruption and impunity” that led to a “color revolution” and a soft coup d’état in 2015.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147-156
Author(s):  
Yevhen Tsokur

Problem of the creation of civil society institutions is actual and requested. Ukrainian society is in a search state of optimum model of existence and communication with the state and power from the moment of independence acquisition. A few attempts of building of effective institutions of civil society in Ukraine failed. However the search continues. Own and world experience inspires the Ukrainian people on creation of own way to the real democracy cherished in dreams. Research of formation and development of civil society at the national level is not only extremely important, but also vital in the context of world legitimation processes. Essence of civil society is in structural opposition to power, public control over its activities. Civil society is the initiator of power delegitimation and it is also is an indicator of gaining legitimacy by the authorities. One of functions of civil society is to non-admit, and better prevent coming to power potentially illegitimate power institutes and establishment of the illegitimate regimes. Civil society can give birth on the «barricades» of fight against illegitimate power and to disappear after defeat in this fight, or to degrade under the pressure of external and internal contradictions. A task of civil society is not only society mobilization on a fight against the illegitimate regime but also consolidation of society with the aim of further effective state formation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roslyn M Frank

<p>In the churches of Euskal Herria there exists today a religious institution of great antiquity and one that clearly demonstrates the high status traditionally afforded to the female in Basque culture. The serora, also referred to as sorora, freila, benoîte, benedicta and beata, is a woman who acts as an adjunct to the priest in the ritual activities of the Catholic Church. In the 20th century her continuing presence represents an anachronism and anomaly when viewed in light of repeated decisions by the Catholic hierarchy concerning the officially approved role of women in the Church. The morphology of this institution will be viewed from two perspectives. First, it will be analyzed synchronically as a set of functions or structures constituting the field of activity of the serora. Then, in order to understand the significance of the survival of these functions, a diachronic approach will be utilized to trace their evolution back into the indigenous religious structures and associated patterns of belief. Having established a hypothetical model for the pre-existing morphology of the institution, it will be possible to describe the way in which the earlier set of structures was modified by increasing contact with the forms and contents of Christianity. With the passage of time the formative elements of the indigenous substratum become overlaid and modified by their fusion with Christianity. Nonetheless, as will be demonstrated, the syncretistic processes at work allowed the earlier structures to survive under the guise of what are understood to be Christian rituals and symbols. Thus, the original indigenous patterns continued to function as generative infrastructures latent even in their modern counterparts. In the latter sections of the paper the duties and responsibilities of the serora are compared with those associated with the Beguines and a new etymology of the term “Beguine” is put forward.</p>


Author(s):  
Elena Jackson Albarrán

The shape, function, and social meaning of the Mexican family changed alongside its relationship to the state, the Catholic Church, and popularly held beliefs and customs over the course of the 20th century. Liberal reforms of the 19th century, and in particular the Penal Code of 1871 and the Civil Code of 1884, accelerated the intentionally political function of the family, as policymakers sought to bring the domestic sphere into the service of the state. Although domestic policies aimed to wrest influence over the private sphere from the Catholic Church, both the secularizing effects and economic impact of these efforts resulted in markedly unequal gender standards. The Mexican Revolution of 1910 wrought some dramatic demographic changes that had a long-term impact on family structure, gender roles within the family, and, perhaps most significantly, the resulting revolutionary government’s conception of the role that the family unit ought to play in nationalist development projects. The post-revolutionary decades saw the reinterpretation of late-19th-century liberalizing tendencies to align the family more consciously with a vision of a modern, collectively identified economic nationalist vision of the future. Men, women, and children saw their social roles reimagined in the rhetorical ideal, even as agrarian and educational reforms revised individuals’ relationships to the labor and socializing institutions that had come to define their identities. By the 1940s, economic growth, political stability, and technological advances in medicine and healthcare all contributed to the beginning of a surge in population growth that continued until the early 1970s. Coupled with a radical shift in population density to the urban areas, these changes contributed to transformations in family residence patterns, the division of labor, and the role of children and young people. But events in the 1970s conspired to bring a radical end to the high birth rate. These included the conscious domestic-policy reform of the Luís Echeverría administration (1970–1976); the availability of contraception and its tacit approval by the Mexican Catholic Church; the transnational feminist movement, culminating in the 1975 meeting in Mexico City of the United Nations’ Conference on Women to commemorate International Women’s Year; and, not least of these, preventive measures taken by citizens themselves to reduce the strain on the family unit. By the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st, transnational migrations and remittances came to define an increasing percentage of families and kinship structures.


Author(s):  
V. Kapeliushnyi

The author provides a short analysis of the scientific researches, related with the role and meaning of the field priesthood of the Galician Army in 1918-1920. Main attention is paid to the studies of modern native scholars, that were published after the independence of Ukraine had been declared, for example – Ya. Hrytsak, D. Zabzaliuk, O. Krasivskyi, M. Lytvyn, V. Marchuk, O. Pavlyshyn, V. Futuluichuka. A significance role of the experience of pastoral service in the Legion of Ukrainian Sich Riflemen and its deployment in Ukrainian Galician Army are considered in the article. The author came to the conclusion that the relations between state and church in West Ukraine should be scrutinized as a so-called tandem. In this alliance the leaders of the West Ukrainian People’s Republic supported the development of Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church and whereas clergy assisted in Ukrainian state-building.


Author(s):  
T. Pshenychnyi

An integral part of society's life was and remains the church. Ukrainian church space was built on the heritage of generations and subsequently could become an integral element of the national revival of the Ukrainian people. In the twentieth century, it was clearly represented by the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, which was able to become the center of the national movement and the creator of the national intellectual elite, a promoter of justice in Soviet times. This article is devoted to the mission of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in Ukrainian society, the activities of its clergy and bishops in preserving the national identity of the Ukrainian people.


1996 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-287
Author(s):  
Dushka H. Saiyid

Iftikhar H. Malik has taken on a daunting task in trying to write on the state and society of Pakistan. He examines the “triangle of authority, ideology, and ethnicity” and attempts to provide a theoretical and historical framework for the study of Pakistan’s chequered political history. Much in view is the role of the important ruling classes and groups, including the military, the bureaucracy, and the feudals, in the state formation of Pakistan. The author then goes on to discuss the problems of national integration, ethnicity, gender, and the role of the intelligence agencies. The book has obviously required and is based on a great deal of research involving both primary and secondary sources. Wide reference and erudition are fully in evidence.


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