scholarly journals La carn dels infants. La usurpació de menors en la imaginació persecutòria

2016 ◽  
pp. 171
Author(s):  
Manuel Delgado

Variant constantment d'objecte sense modificar mai d'objectiu, la mentalitat persecutòria porta segles reiterant entre els seus arguments aquell que assenyala els grups o individus a acuitar com a lladres menjadors de nens. L'àpat caníbal, la devoració d'ànimes o la vampirització sexual han estat les figures intercanviables de l'apoderament il·legítim, per part dels malignes, del més fonamental dels aliments que nodreixen tant la societat com l'Estat: els infants. De les acusacions contra els primers cristians fins a la imaginació antisectària dels mass media actuals, la pràctica totalitat dels discursos estigmatitzadors produïts fins ara han inclòs, entre les abominacions atribuïdes als perillosos, la de la seva predilecció per la més fresca de les carns, pel més tendre dels esperits. Entre tots els destinataris d'aquesta imputació, en destaquem un en especial: la mateixa Església catòlica, durant les fases històriques en què els esdeveniments van forçar-la a mudar el seu habitual paper de perseguidora pel de perseguida.Variando constantemente de objeto sin modificar nunca su objetivo, la mentalidad persecutoria lleva siglos reiterando en sus argumentos aquél que señala a los grupos o individuos a hostigar como ladrones comedores de carne infantil. El banquete caníbal, la devoración de almas o la vampirización sexual han sido las figuras intercambiables del apoderamiento ilegítimo, por los malignos, del más fundamental de los alimentos de que tanto la sociedad corno el Estado se nutren: los niños. De las acusaciones dirigidas contra los primeros cristianos basta la imaginación antisectaria de lo mass media actuales, la práctica totalidad de los discursos estigmatizadores producidos basta ahora han incorporado entre las abominaciones atribuidas a los peligrosos la de su predilección por la más fresca de las carnes, por el mismo tiempo de los espíritus. Entre todos los destinatarios de tal imputación, se destaca aquí uno en especial: la propia iglesia católica, durante las fases históricas en que los acontecimientos la forzaron a mudar su habitual papel de perseguidora en el de perseguida.Variant constamment d'objet sans jamais modifier son objectif, la mentalité persécutrice depuis des siècles réitère parmi ses arguments celui qui consiste à signaler les groupes ou les individus à fustiger comme des voleurs mangeurs de chair d'enfant. Le banquet cannibale, le repas d'âmes ou le vampirisme sexuel ont été les figures interchangeables de l'appropriation illégitime, par les malins, du plus fondamental des aliments dont aussí bien la société que les Etats se nourrissent: les enfants. Des accusations visant les premiers chrétiens jusqu'à l'imagination anti-sectaire des mass media actuels, la quasi-totalité des discours de stigmatisation produits jusqu'à nos jours ont incorporé, parmi les abominations attribuées aux êtres dangereux, celle de leur prédilection pour la plus fraîche de toutes les chairs, pour le plus tendre des esprits. Parmi tous les destinataires d'une telle imputation, on en remarque ici tout spécialement un: l'Eglise catholique elle-même, au cours des phases historiques pendant lesquelles les événements l'obligeront à taire son habituel rôle de persécutrice et à endosser celui de persécutée.Constantly changing its object without ever altering its objective, persecutory imagination has, for centuries, repeatedly singied out the argument which points to groups or individuals to be censured as thieving eaters of child-flesh. The cannibal banquet, the devouring of souls and sexual vampirism have been the interchangeable figures in the illegitimate seizure, by the perverse, of the most basic stuff on which both society and the state feed: children. Ranging from the accusations hurled at the first Christians to the antisectarian imagination of today's mass media, practically all stigmatizing discourse produced to date has numbered the predilection for that freshest of all fresh, the most tender off all souls, among the abominations attributed to the dangerous. Of all those accused of this charge, there is one which particularly stands out here: the Catholic church itself, during the phases of its history when events forced it to change its usual role of persecutor for that of persecuted.

2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 516-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo Semán ◽  
Nicolás Viotti ◽  
Mari-Sol GarcÍa Somoza

The role of Jorge Bergoglio as the head of the Catholic Church has provoked political positioning in Argentina, which reveals new forms of articulation between secularism and politics. While progressive sectors connected to the Kirchnerist government initially viewed Pope Francis and his theology of the people with mistrust, they currently see him as an ally in the defence of social initiatives. From the conservative perspective, the trajectory has been exactly the opposite. Although they initally saw the Pope as an ally to help undermine populism, they soon discovered serious obstacles in the way. As a response, they raised the banner of laïcité and called into question the close relationship between politics and the Catholic Church. In this context, we will analyse the reactions, initiatives, and critical arguments, which surfaced around this limited secularism in political life, the mass media, and public space. In other words, we will observe a displacement in which social conservatism is not necessarily of a Catholic fundamentalist variety, and neoliberalism launches its own secularising tradition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 136 ◽  
pp. 145-168
Author(s):  
Paweł Magiera

The paper is about the participation of the Constitutional Work Club (CWC) in the debates of the Legislative Sejm over denominational regulations of the parliamentary project of Constitution in years 1919–1921. The role of the main speaker of this parliamentary club on those topics was monopolized by Alfred Halban. He presented a conservative vision of the relations between the Catholic Church and the state, especially he wanted to preserve the ecclesiastical autonomy in its spiritual mission. Simultaneously, he supported the idea of signing the concordat between Poland and the Holy See, because he considered this type of the agreement as a natural consequence of the organizational structure of the Catholic Church. The participation of CWC in the parliamentary debate did not affect the shape of denominational regulations in the Constitution. Nevertheless, this activity had a positive impact because A. Halban was a significant proponent of substantive and meticulous parliamentary discussion on the denominational issues.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-22
Author(s):  
H. T. Sardaryan

The COVID-19 pandemic exposed the critical problems of the structure not only of the modern health system but also of the role of the state in managing socio-economic processes, government institutions, and their ability to ensure the safety and well-being of the population in conditions of the practical economic shutdown, self-isolation of citizens and ultra-high mobilization of state administrative resources to ensure a full-scale fight against the spread of the virus. Inherent human rights and freedoms were limited to effectively counter the coronavirus, which would have been difficult to imagine even a few months before the pandemic outbreak. Arguments about the gradual decline of the role of the state in the organization of the management of socio-economic processes against the background of the strengthening of civil society institutions also lost their significance, as only the state was able to organize a centralized mobilization of resources to counter the mass threat to public health. These questions lead to a revision of the traditional axiology of Western society, based on the primacy of individualism and the atomization of society – approaches that the Roman Catholic Church has traditionally opposed, which in its doctrine is based on the concept of the common good. As the world's largest confession, Catholicism retains its influence over a wide range of people in many of the leading countries of the modern West. The church's social doctrine is traditionally perceived, both by Catholics themselves and by various associations of citizens, as an ethical basis for organizing the life of society. The paper analyzes the development of the social doctrine of the Catholic Church after the outbreak of the pandemic in the context of both its perception of the coronavirus itself and the necessary measures to combat it and its position on the post-ovoid structure of the world. The Papal encyclicals, messages, and speeches, which reflect the official position of the Vatican, are of crucial importance. As a possible way to overcome the crisis, the Vatican offers the classic principles for the social teaching of the Catholic Church-solidarity and subsidiarity, which require, on the one hand, the subjectivity of society and the decentralization of power.


2013 ◽  
pp. 135-142
Author(s):  
Yuriy Kovtun

The processes of reform and crisis phenomena in the Ukrainian society at the end of the XX - the beginning of the XXI century suggest that a stable ideological and theoretical foundation is lacking for the stable functioning of the modern Ukrainian state and the formation of civil society. On the basis of this, the state-building concepts of the prominent Ukrainian thinkers of the 20th century become very important. The personal place among them is the creative heritage of Vyacheslav Lypynsky, who, despite the dominant socialist approaches to the transformation of Ukrainian society at that time, advocated an alternative conservative-monastic idea of ​​state-building in Ukraine.


Author(s):  
Breandán Mac Suibhne

Observing the abandonment of traditional beliefs and practices in the 1830s, the scholar John O’Donovan remarked that ‘a different era—the era of infidelity—is fast approaching!’ In west Donegal, that era finally arrived c.1880, when, over much of the district, English replaced Irish as the language of the home. Yet it had been coming into view since the mid-1700s, as the district came to be fitted—through the cattle trade, seasonal migration, and protoindustrialization—into regional and global economic systems. In addition to the market, an expansion of the administrative and coercive capacity of the state and an improvement in the plant and personnel of the Catholic Church—processes that intensified in the mid-1800s—proved vital factors, as the population dwindled after the Famine, in the people breaking faith with the old and familiar and adopting the new.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 188
Author(s):  
Rafał Śpiewak ◽  
Wiktor Widera

The essence of the Catholic Church implemented in the modern world is of crucial importance for the understanding its mission towards the state, especially when developing appropriate civil attitudes. One sources of cognition is the historical reflection made on an analytical basis of Catholic media content. This article presents the discourse analysis of Gość Niedzielny (i.e., Sunday Guest), which was one of the most important Catholic publications in Poland, during the reconstruction of the Polish statehood. The pro-state mission of the Catholic Church was an expression of responsibility for common good, was nonpartisan and was connected with the promotion of values that condition the social order. It was believed that the condition of the state is determined by the moral form of its citizens and their level of involvement in social life. Christian values were though to secure and protect also the good of non-Catholic citizens. Here, the research and discourse analysis allows us to define the conclusions regarding contemporary relations between Church and the state in Poland. The key thoughts included in the publications of Sunday Guest, have contemporary application and their message is extremely up-to-date.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-176
Author(s):  
Mária Csatlós

With the available archival resources and through exploring the life, work and political actions of Endre Ágotha, the dean and parish priest of Nyárádselye I trace the unfolding and failing of the schismatic catholic peace movement legitimated in Marosvásárhely in the period 1950-1956. The state backed “Catholic Action” did not succeed in severing the Catholic Church in Romania from Rome by settling the “pending cases” between the church and the state and only a small portion of the clergy joined the movement, yet it has made significant moral damages by dividing the believers and the clergy. The Holy See condemned the movement and it’s key figure Endre Ágotha has brought upon himself the harshest punishment of the Catholic Church: excommunicates vitandus. He received absolution only on his deathbed.


Author(s):  
Camilla Tenaglia

Abstract This essay addresses the relations between Pius XII and Germany at the beginning of his pontificate through the role of Vatican Media, especially Vatican Radio. During the interwar period, the Vatican media system (media ensemble) underwent major transformations, including the creation of a radio broadcasting station in 1931. Pacelli was one of the main agents of these improvements: as Secretary of State supporting Guglielmo Marconi’s project, as Pope through his extensive use of the mass media at his disposal, from radio to cinema. At the end of the 30s the difficult diplomatic relations between the Holy See and the Third Reich also had an impact on mass media, as shown by the election of Pacelli in March 1939. The role of Vatican Radio in Vatican diplomacy towards Nazi Germany was already clear during the events surrounding the Anschluss in 1938 and it became a tool for unofficial communication to convey more explicit stances on the regime during World War II. The same strategy was employed during the Option in Südtirol in 1939, when Catholics were able to deliver anti-Nazi propaganda thanks in part to radio in the attempt to avoid the voluntary resettlement of German-speaking Italian citizens from the area. The Holy See maintained a neutral position throughout the events, but at the same time Vatican Radio broadcast programmes in German about the condition of the Catholic Church under the Nazi regime. These broadcasts supported the efforts especially of the Archbishop of Trento Celestino Endrici and his clergy, who opposed the resettlement. Once again Vatican Radio proved a crucial tool for conveying unofficial communications while maintaining the neutral stance typical of the Holy See‘s foreign policy.


2015 ◽  
pp. 179-199
Author(s):  
Federico Ruozzi

The article presents the entanglement of the Catholic Church and the media by focusing on the case of the Second Vatican Council and the television broadcast of its events. The mass media attention of the council stimulated, according to the author, a double level: the media conveyed more information about the church event than it had ever done before, but at the same time, the mass media influenced the discussion of the council fathers. The article also analyzes, through the lens of the Council, the recent relationship between the Catholic Church and the Italian television.  


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