scholarly journals Un lingüista en la selva amazónica perdió su fe en Dios

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-52
Author(s):  
Anamaría Ashwell
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Universal Grammar ◽  
Group Living ◽  
Amazon Rainforest ◽  
Word Of God ◽  
La Selva ◽  
The Way ◽  
Academic Study

Este artículo muestra las dificultades que encontró un evangelizador, convertido posteriormente en antropólogo, para realizar un estudio académico de la etnia Pirahá que habitan la selva amazónica. Después de veinte años de cohabitación con los Pirahá, este evangelizador/antropólogo pudo comprobar lo que los misioneros anteriores reportaron: a los Pirahá les entretenía y hasta interesaba el relato bíblico pero como una historia más. La autora relata las dificultades linguisticas que impide a estos sujetos, sujetados a un lenguaje casi único que contrasta la gramática universal de Chomsky, atribuírle alguna categoría espiritual o salvífica a la palabra de Dios. La autora también describe el regreso del evangelista / antropólogo, unos años después, a la jungla y la forma en que se reencuentra con los Pirahá, pero esta vez sin su fe ni su dios.Abstract:This article presents the difficulties encountered by an evangelist, later converted into an anthropologist, when conducting an academic study of the Pirahá ethnic group living in the Amazon rainforest. Following twenty years of cohabitation with the Pirahá, this evangelist/anthropologist was able to confirm what previous missionaries had reported: the Pirahá were entertained by the biblical account and they were even interested in it but only as a mere story. The author examines the linguistic difficulties that prevent the Pirahá, subjected to an almost unique language contrasting Chomsky's universal grammar, from assigning any spiritual or salvific category to the Word of God. The author also describes the evangelist/anthropologist’s return, a few years later, to the jungle and the way he is reunited with the Pirahá but this time without his faith and god.

Affiliations, aggressions and an adoption: Male–male relationships in wild bonobos

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Surbeck ◽  
Gottfried Hohmann
Keyword(s):  
Close Relationships ◽  
Group Living ◽  
Mate Competition ◽  
Male Group ◽  
Cooperative Hunting ◽  
Sexual Behaviours ◽  
Study Population ◽  
Living Species ◽  
The Way

The nature of the relationships between males is a characteristic trait of many multi-male group living species with implications for the individuals. In our study population of bonobos, certain male dyads exhibit clear preferences for ranging in the same party and sitting in proximity. These preferences are not reflected in the frequency of aggression towards each other and only to some extent in their affiliative and socio-sexual behaviours. While bonobo males at LuiKotale clearly do not benefit from close relationships in the way chimpanzee males do (cooperative hunting, territorial patrol, mate competition), some relationships might result from close associations between their mothers. In some particular situations, these male relationships can be very important as in the case of an orphan adopted by his older maternal brother. La nature des relations entre mâles est un trait caractéristique de plusieurs groupes qui ont plusieurs mâles, avec des implications au niveau d’individus. Dans notre étude des populations de bonobos, certains dyades mâles montrent une préférence à aller dans le même groupe et s’asseoir proche l’un de l’autre. Cette préférence n’est pas reflétée dans la fréquence d’agression entre eux et est seulement lié, à degrés, à leur comportements socio-sexuels et d’appartenance. Tandis que les mâles bonobos à LuiKotale ne profitent pas de leur fortes relations comme les chimpanzés mâles (chasse coopérative, patrouille territoriale, compétition pour compagnon), ils peuvent aider leur partenaires à supporter le stress de la vie en groupe et peuvent en conséquence contribuer au bien-être des individus. Quelques proches associations entre les mâles peuvent provenir d’associations entre leurs mères. Dans quelques situations particulières, ces relations mâles prouvent leur importance comme dans le cas d’un orphelin adopté par son grand frère maternel.

Uyghurs

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David O'Brien
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Group Living ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Complete Control

The Uyghur (alternatively spelled Uighur) are the largest and titular ethnic group living in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, a vast area in northwestern China of over 1.6 million sq. km. According to the 2010 census Uyghurs make up 45.21 percent of the population of Xinjiang, numbering 8,345,622 people. The Han, the largest ethnic group in China, make up 40.58 percent in the region with 7,489,919. A Turkic-speaking largely Muslim ethnic group, the Uyghurs traditionally inhabited a series of oases around the Taklamakan desert. Their complex origin is evidenced by a rich cultural history that can be traced back to various groups that emerged across the steppes of Mongolia and Central Asia. Uyghur communities are also found in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan, with significant diaspora groups in Australia, the United States, Germany, and Turkey. In the first half of the 20th century, Uyghurs briefly declared two short-lived East Turkestan Republics in 1933 and again in 1944, but the region was brought under the complete control of the Chinese state after the Communist Party (CCP) came to power in 1949. Within China they are considered one of the fifty-five officially recognized ethnic minority groups, who, along with the Han who constitute 92 percent of the population, make up the Chinese nation or Zhonghua Minzu中华民族. However, for many Uyghurs the name “Xinjiang,” which literally translates as “New Territory,” indicates that their homeland is a colony of China, and they prefer the term “East Turkestan.” Nevertheless, many scholars use Xinjiang as a natural term even when they are critical of the position of the Communist Party. In this article both terms are used. In the early years of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Uyghurs numbered about 80 percent of the population of Xinjiang, but large-scale government-sponsored migration has seen the number of Han in the region rise to almost the same as that of the Uyghur. This has led to an increase in ethnic tensions often caused by competition for scarce resources and a perception that the ruling Communist Party favors the Han. In 2009, a major outbreak of violence in the capital Ürümchi saw hundreds die and many more imprisoned. The years 2013 and 2014 were also crucial turning points with deadly attacks on passengers in train stations in Kunming and Yunnan, bombings in Ürümchi, and a suicide attack in Tiananmen Square in Beijing, all blamed on Uyghur terrorists. Since then the Chinese government has introduced a harsh regime of security clampdowns and mass surveillance, which has significantly increased from 2017 and which, by some accounts, has seen over one million Uyghurs and other Muslim ethnic minorities imprisoned without trial in “reeducation” camps. The Chinese government insist these camps form part of an education and vocational training program designed to improve the lives of Uyghurs and root out “wrong thinking.” Many Uyghurs believe it is part of a long-term project of assimilation of Uyghur identity and culture.

scholarly journals The Construction of Chinese Indonesians in Ngenest Film

K ta Kita ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 302-310
Author(s):  
Yoel Christian
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Minor Characters ◽  
The Way

The thesis focuses on how Chinese Indonesians are constructed in Ngenest and why they are constructed that way. Chinese Indonesians become a scapegoat and considered bad ethnic group since they are the minority. By using the Ethnic Construction and Stereotype theory it helps me to reveal the constructions of Chinese Indonesians in Ngenest, and also why they are constructed that way. I would analyze the Chinese Indonesian major and minor characters in Ngenest. This can be revealed from the way they interact with the society in Ngenest. In conclusion, Chinese Indonesians are not accepted as one’s own in their land because of their construction as perpetual foreigners, being loyal to Chinese traditions which makes them different from the rest of the Indonesian society, and being rich by exploiting non-Chinese Indonesians. Since the Chinese Indonesians are the minority, they become a scapegoat and target of non-Chinese Indonesians in the society. Keywords: racism, ethnic construction, stereotyping, representation, Chinese Indonesians

scholarly journals RELIGIOUS IDENTITY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE ETHNO-NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF UKRAINE

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-24
Author(s):  
Viacheslav Каlаch
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
National Development ◽  
Group Living ◽  
Central Place ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
Religious Identification

The article discusses the peculiarities of the formation of religious identity in the dynamics of geopolitical processes in Ukraine, which depend on historical conditions, features of the economic and socio-political structure, democratic and cultural traditions of society, the level of legal and moral development of its members and the ambitions of its leaders. It is proved that religion is a decisive factor in the ethnic life of Ukrainians, and the controversial role of Christianity in ethno-identification and ethno-consolidation processes is noted. The modern world-wide political, economic and spiritual crisis imposes its imprint on Ukraine as well. As one of the transitional countries of the post-socialist space, our state has not yet found a single-minded vector of its own development, in particular, the ecclesiastical. Ukraine is only on the verge of forming a united national idea and crystallizing its own self-identification on the religious marker. Religion is the basic semantic-forming component of a unified national identity. Today, religious and ethnic identities are closely intertwined. Therefore, the problem of the ethnorelain factor always attracts significant attention of leading scholars, statesmen and church hierarchs. In Ukraine, a significant number of religious groups completely coincide with the boundaries of a separate ethnic group. The lack of civic consensus on the country's foreign policy, cultural identity, separate sovereign positions of the Ukrainian state, the diverse views of the past and the future at the present makes it impossible to formulate unanimous interests, which negatively affects external and internal policies. Compared with the Soviet period, religious identity today is a relatively new category. On opposition to the state-civilian benchmark for many Ukrainians, religion is on the forefront. Undeniably, Orthodoxy played a very important role in the formation of the Ukrainian nation and our religious identity. However, today, multiconfessional diversity and inability or reluctance to negotiate, to be tolerant, break Ukraine into several regions. The negative tendency of loss of awareness of Ukrainians of the unity of religion, nation, common spirit is traced. The formation of religious identity is a long process of formation of society as a whole, and is a consequence of the historical formation of Ukraine as a nation. Religious identification is the reproduction of accumulated social and religious experience in all spheres. World and domestic scholars are unequivocal in the conclusions that the central place in the formation of national identity belongs to religiousness. Religious beliefs that have an indelible imprint of an ethnic group living on a particular territory are precisely the center of the formation of a new national-religious identity of Ukrainian society.

Where Words End

2021 ◽  
pp. 586-603
Author(s):  
Graham Ward
Keyword(s):  
Jesus Christ ◽  
Word Of God ◽  
Presence Of God ◽  
Creative Experience ◽  
The Voice ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Way

Revelation cannot be approached directly. It is mediated all the way down. That is not just because of ‘sin’. Though sin is the manifestation of our alienation from God—an alienation overcome by God’s reconciling operations in salvation—a diastema between Creator and creation still pertains. There is no immediate encounter with the Word of God available to us as such. It is always mediated to us through human words and human acts, stories (biblical and autobiographical) and material practices, the Church and its liturgies, and the cultures we inhabit that shape us. The voice of the Lord comes to us in and through the darknesses and ambivalences of our various unredeemed and yet to be redeemed states. We are addressed, continually addressed, by God’s transformative grace, by his love and mercy, in and through our condition as created. The voice is accommodated to that condition, and can be accommodated because the Word of God is written into creation, coming finally, and intensively, in Jesus Christ. So the voice can be heard: makes itself available to be heard. But the eternal presence of God pro nobis (where the ‘we’ is not just humankind but all God’s creatures, pace Barth), the eternal presence of God-with-us that is the touchstone and content of revelation, bubbles up intrinsically through the obscurities of created and creative experience.

A Letter from the Hafets Hayim The Holy Sage, Rabbi of All Children of Exile, May His Saintly Memory Be for a Blessing

2019 ◽  
pp. 236-237
Author(s):  
Naomi Seidman
Keyword(s):  
Word Of God ◽  
Fear Of God ◽  
The Town ◽  
The Way

TO THE HONOURED LEADERS and those who cherish the Torah, those who tremble at the word of God who are in the town of Fristik, may God bless them and protect them.12 I have heard that God-fearing people, respectful of the word of God, have volunteered to found a Bais Yaakov school in this city for the study of Torah, the fear of God and the way of the land,...

Texts in quarantine: Karl Barth, biblical interpretation and imaginative resistance

2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Angela Dienhart Hancock
Keyword(s):  
Biblical Interpretation ◽  
Karl Barth ◽  
Word Of God ◽  
Adequate Account ◽  
Imaginative Resistance ◽  
Biblical Texts ◽  
The Way

AbstractThis essay explores the overlapping territory between the phenomenon known as ‘imaginative resistance’ in literary, psychological and philosophical circles and Karl Barth's theological hermeneutic. Imaginative resistance refers to the way readers are willing to give consent to all sorts of implausible things in the context of a fiction, but become uneasy when asked to imagine that something they consider morally or ethically reprehensible is good. The essay offers an overview of the current scholarly theories regarding the origins of the phenomenon of imaginative resistance, arguing that none of them provide an adequate account of imaginative resistance in relation to a text read as ‘Word of God’. The essay suggests that Karl Barth's theological hermeneutic does not offer a ‘solution’ to imaginative resistance in relation to scripture, but rather deepens and redescribes it in meaningful ways by acknowledging the appropriateness of the interpreter's resistance while encouraging continued engagement even with the claims of challenging biblical texts.

Pluralism in Terrace Housing Community Through Ethnic Garden

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ismail Said
Keyword(s):  
Community Development ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Sense Of Belonging ◽  
Group Living ◽  
Peninsular Malaysia ◽  
Plant Selection ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Relationship Of

Landskap warisan adalah simbol peradaban dan nilai kepercayaan sesuatu kumpulan etnik dalam satu komuniti. Ia dibentuk oleh ilham dan daya usaha manusia yang menunjukkan perkaitan erat antara kelakuan manusia dengan alam lingkungannya. Landskap ini amat bermakna kepada komuniti rumah teres di Semenanjung Malaysia yang dikomposisi oleh berbilang etnik termasuk Melayu, Cina dan India. Kertas kerja ini membincang peranan landskap warisan kepada komuniti rumah teres yang secara langsung dan tidak langsung mengintegrasi penduduk dan menyumbang rasa kekitaan terhadap komuniti. Ciri–ciri landskap warisan yang diperjelaskan dalam laman–laman etnik rumah teres adalah komposisi tanaman dan pilihan tumbuhan dan aksesori laman. Persamaan dan perbedaan ciri–ciri tersebut menonjolkan bentuk laman sesuatu etnik yang harus diambil kira dalam perancangan landskap komuniti rumah teres. Cultural–ethnic landscape symbolizes the belief and cultural values of an ethnic group living in a community. The landscape is an expression of people´s idea and work, illustrating intrinsic understanding and relationship of people to their fellow beings and environment. Such landscape is significant to the human community development and more challenging to establish it in a multi–ethnic society such as terrace house neighborhood in Peninsular Malaysia than in homogenous society. This paper discusses the role of ethnic gardens created by terrace housing residents towards integration and sense of belonging to their living neighborhood. The making of the residential gardens by Malays, Chinese and Indians are influenced by both cultural values and functional needs. There are few similarities and differences in planting composition, plant selection and garden accessories that reflect the strength of ethnicity and yet allow sharing of garden produce and create a sense of place for the community. This pluralism can be seen as positive phenomena to harmonize multi–ethnic society living in terrace housing neighborhoods in Peninsular Malaysia.

scholarly journals Becoming Polyglots through Formal and Non-Formal Language Education

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. p1
Author(s):  
Abdul Muth’im ◽  
Cayandrawati Sutiono
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Formal Language ◽  
Formal Education ◽  
Group Living ◽  
Language Education ◽  
Remote Areas ◽  
Central Java ◽  
The People ◽  
Major Ethnic Group ◽  
L1 And L2

It is not surprising that there are Indonesian people who are able to communicate only in one language, i.e., their native Language (L1). Some Javanese people—the major ethnic group living in East and Central Java -are only able to communicate in Javanese; some Sundanese people—the second major ethnic group living in West Java -are able to communicate only in Sundanese; and some Banjarese—the people living in South Kalimantan province are only able to communicate in Banjarese. This is especially true for those who never experience formal education and live in villages and remote areas for almost of their lives. For those who have ever gone to and attended formal education, they are usually able to communicate at least in two different languages, i.e., their L1 and Indonesian language, their L2. Even, some Indonesian people are not only able to communicate in L1 and L2, but also are able to communicate in more languages. In relation to these phenomena, the following question is raised: “Why do some people be able to communicate only in one language while some others are able to communicate in more, different languages?”

scholarly journals PREVALENSI DAN PENGALAMAN KARIES GIGI PADA SUKU PAPUA PENGUNYAH PINANG DI MANADO

2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krista V Siagian
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Daily Intake ◽  
Group Living ◽  
Caries Experience ◽  
Areca Nut ◽  
Caries Prevalence ◽  
Missing Teeth ◽  
College And University ◽  
Age Profile ◽  
Low Prevalence

Abstract: This study was carried out to show a description of the caries prevalence and the DMF-T index in a Papua „ethnic‟ group living in Manado who have the areca nut chewing habit. A total of thirty respondents (males and females) aged between 18 to 50 years old were enrolled for the purpose of this sampling. The clinical data about decays, missing teeth, and fillings were assesed by the DMF-T WHO index. This study viewed that 60% of respondents were males, aged from 21 to 25 years old representing the highest age profile, most respondents were college and university students. About 63.33% of all respondents had this areca nut chewing habit for more than five years. In addition, the daily intake of areca nut varied from 1-2 times, 3-5 times, and more than five times per day i.e. 3.33%, 46.67%, and 50% respectively. The study described that 70% of the caries was prevalent in the total population, with a DMF-T index of 2.43. Conclusion: Papua „ethnic‟ group living in Manado who had the areca nut chewing habit showed a low prevalence of caries as was the DMF-T index. Keywords: caries prevalence, caries experience, DMF-T index, areca nut chewing habit, Papua „ethnic‟ group  Abstrak: Penelitian ini dilaksanakan untuk menggambarkan prevalensi dan pengalaman karies (DMF-T) pada suku Papua di Manado yang memiliki kebiasaan mengunyah pinang. Populasi dalam penelitian ini terdiri dari 30 responden, laki-laki dan perempuan yang berusia 18-50 tahun dengan teknik pengambilan sampel bertujuan (purposive sampling). Data klinis tentang decay, missing teeth, dan filling diukur menggunakan indeks DMF-T WHO. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian terlihat responden laki-laki sebesar 60%, kelompok usia 21- 25 tahun merupakan persentase tertinggi dari karakteristik profil usia responden, dan sebagian besar responden mahasiswa perguruan tinggi. Responden yang telah memiliki kebiasaan ini selama lebih dari 5 tahun sebesar 63,33%. Selain itu, responden yang mengunyah pinang bervariasi dari 1-2 kali, 3-5 kali, dan lebih dari lima kali per hari (3,33%, 46,67%, dan 50%) Prevalensi karies pada penelitian ini sebesar 70% dan pengalaman kariesnya (Indeks DMF-T) 2,43. Simpulan: suku Papua di Manado yang memiliki kebiasaan mengunyah pinang memperlihatkan prevalensi karies dan indeks pengalaman karies (DMF-T indeks) kategori rendah. Kata kunci: prevalensi karies, pengalaman karies, indeks DMF-T, mengunyah pinang, suku Papua

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