scholarly journals Legal and Political Competitiveness for Pharmaceuticals

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (3,4) ◽  
pp. 93-97
Author(s):  
Marcus Oehlrich ◽  
Arthur Daemmrich
Keyword(s):  
Political Competitiveness

scholarly journals Reflections on the Independent Mass Media of Post-Soviet Countries and Political Competitiveness

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 565-588
Author(s):  
Nataliia Steblyna ◽  
Jaroslav Dvorak
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Formal Analysis ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Competitive Authoritarianism ◽  
Political News ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
Political Competitiveness ◽  
Media Discourses ◽  
Democratic Country

Abstract The aim of this paper is to analyse political activity in the mass media discourses of states with more democratic and more authoritative regimes respectively, so as to show a clear difference in the context of a formal analysis of mass media content. The current study examines political news on qualitative online media portals in Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine. Thirty years ago, these states began their independent transition from a closed system to openness/democracy. However, at today’s transition point, only Lithuania is considered a democratic country. In different periods Ukraine has been considered an example of competitive authoritarianism, while Belarus deviated towards complete authoritarianism and dictatorship. All political news items between 2005–2020 (for delfi.lt – since 2007) were collected with the help of the Python program. To measure the indicators, several Python programs were designed. The results of the research confirmed that the intensity of political activity differs in the mass media discourses of states with more democratic (Lithuania, Ukraine) and more authoritative (Belarus) regimes. Furthermore, a clear difference was shown in terms of five indicators, average indicators and the dynamics thereof.

The Etiology of Partisan Competition

1983 ◽  
Vol 78 (3) ◽  
pp. 691-707 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel C. Patterson ◽  
Gregory A. Caldeira
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Regional Differences ◽  
State Level ◽  
Educational Levels ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
American States ◽  
Political Competitiveness ◽  
Partisan Competition ◽  
North And South ◽  
Local Party

In this inquiry, we focus upon the question, “Why are political parties more competitive in some states than they are in others?” We have measured partisan competition as the closeness between the two major political parties in the results of state-level elections, and we have chosen to analyze elections in American states in the 1970s. To account for variations among the states on the dimension of partisan competitiveness, we formulate and present four discrete lines of reasoning—including socio-demographics, urbanization, diversity, and the strength of party organizations. We test each of these avenues of explanation in turn, always taking into account the watershed between North and South in partisan competition. The results vindicate the utility of our general approach, although we do find that each of the four modes of explanation is wanting in some respect. In a full-blown multivariate context, we report that educational levels and urbanization do influence variations among states in partisan competition. Equally compelling and perhaps more interesting, the strength and activism of local party organizations in the states profoundly affect political competitiveness, even when we take stark regional differences into consideration.

Macro-Political Origins of Micro-Political Differences: A Comparison of Eleven Societies in East and South Asia

2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
TAKASHI INOGUCHI ◽  
SANJAY KUMAR ◽  
SATORU MIKAMI
Keyword(s):  
South Asia ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Four Dimensions ◽  
Country Level ◽  
National Differences ◽  
Political Differences ◽  
Political Competitiveness ◽  
Asian Survey ◽  
Citizens Attitudes

This article examines the cross-level causal relationship between macro-political settings and micro-political attitudes in eleven Asian societies using the 2006 AsiaBarometer Survey (China, Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan) and the 2006 South Asian Survey (Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka). After extracting the four underlying dimensions of political attitudes from the broadly comparable questions used in the two surveys, the study first detects national differences in terms of (1) citizens' attitudes toward political activities other than voting, (2) their commitment to a democratic system, (3) their political frustration, and (4) their confidence in their ability to govern themselves. Then, regression analysis examines the possibility that the micro-level variations in each of the four dimensions of political attitudes are related to the abundant macro-level variations found in these Asian countries. The results show that although the country-level predictors for citizens' attitudes toward direct political actions are common to both regions (ethno-linguistic fractionalization and the degree of institutionalization of preference articulation), factors influencing the variations in other dimensions are different. Specifically, the effects of political competitiveness and inclusiveness are more salient in South Asia than in East Asia.

Toward a Political Sociology of Dispossession: Explaining Opposition to Capital Projects in India

2021 ◽  
pp. 003232922110165
Author(s):  
Michael Levien ◽  
Smriti Upadhyay
Keyword(s):  
Social Structure ◽  
Comparative Research ◽  
Political Sociology ◽  
Land Acquisition ◽  
Capital Projects ◽  
Land Dispossession ◽  
Project Characteristics ◽  
Political Competitiveness ◽  
Significant Factors

Land dispossession is a major source of protest in many countries. This article asks, How common are cases of mobilization against land dispossession relative to cases of nonmobilization? Why do we see protests against land dispossession for some projects and not others? These questions are taken up in the context of India, a major global hotspot for land dispossession protest. Using a database of all major capital projects in the country, the article looks at the effects of project characteristics and context on incidence of delays or cancellations due to land acquisition problems. The findings demonstrate that a project’s sector and subnational location affect the emergence of opposition to land dispossession. Further, differences in political competitiveness and agrarian social structure are significant factors driving subnational variation. By identifying important factors shaping opposition to land dispossession, the article aims to stimulate comparative research that can advance a political sociology of dispossession.

scholarly journals Political Competitiveness

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Casey Mulligan ◽  
Kevin Tsui
Keyword(s):  
Political Competitiveness

Blessing and Curse

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (14) ◽  
pp. 1930-1964 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego Diaz-Rioseco
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Resource Curse ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Municipal Governments ◽  
Private Goods ◽  
Provincial Level ◽  
Rent Sharing ◽  
Political Competitiveness ◽  
Rentier States

Recent studies on the subnational resource curse contend that subnational rentier units suffer from the same nondemocratic tendency as their national counterparts. However, subnational rentier states worldwide exhibit contrasting political outcomes. Why are some subnational rentier units politically competitive whereas others are not? This article argues that rent-sharing regimes—the fiscal institutions for sharing resource revenues among levels of government—condition political competitiveness at the provincial level. Using novel time-series cross-sectional data on Argentina, a case with several hydrocarbon-rich units with exogenously created rent-sharing regimes, I show that oil creates negative political effects at the provincial level only when these institutions do not share—or share minor amounts of—rents with municipal governments. Conversely, political competition emerges when rent-sharing regimes distribute rents to municipal governments, as this shrinks large provincial budgets, allows municipalities to deliver public and private goods, and gives municipal politicians fiscal independence from provincial governments.

scholarly journals International Real Estate Review

2008 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Jenny Schuetz ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Significance ◽  
Baseline Model ◽  
Eligibility Criteria ◽  
Mortgage Loans ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Administrative Capacity ◽  
Political Motivation ◽  
Previous Election ◽  
Political Competitiveness ◽  
Ruling Party

This paper tests for evidence of political manipulation in the allocation of subsidized mortgage loans in Mexico during the 1990’s. First, I develop a baseline model of loan allocation across states as a function of housing need, eligibility for lending programs, and administrative capacity to deliver housing. Then, I add measures of political competitiveness to the model. Empirical results suggest that the two largest lenders generally allocated loans according to their eligibility criteria, granting more loans to states with more income- and employment-eligible households and poorer quality housing. Tests for political manipulation suggest that more loans were, in fact, granted in federal election years and in states where the ruling party did not perform well in the previous election. However, the numbers lack statistical significance. As a result, it can be assumed that political motivation played a relatively small role in the allocation of loans.

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