La politique forestière vaudoise: une orientation résolument «patrimoine multifonctionnel» | Forestry policy in the canton of Vaud: the “multifunctional heritage” option

2011 ◽  
Vol 162 (7) ◽  
pp. 209-215
Author(s):  
Jean-François Métraux

In the years since 2000, the authorities in charge of forests in canton Vaud have made some substantial changes as a reaction to the political decisions arising from the Swiss Forest Programme and the projected revision of the Federal forestry Law, as well as to the deterioration of the economic situation in forestry enterprises. This article gives a survey of the directions taken. Thus the canton recognises the primordial role of wood production as a driving force behind the creation of a multifunctional forest. The Service for Forests, Wildlife and Nature has invested a great deal in planning, and has redefined the management plan to be an instrument intended for forest owners and forest managers. The canton has innovated by introducing forestry groups and a scheme of equalisation of forestry costs between communes. Hence the conception of forestry management in canton Vaud is resolutely that of a multifunctional natural heritage.

Author(s):  
Wen Qi ◽  

Political socialization is an aspect of socialization, and its goal is to cultivate sound, rational and qualified political people. With the continuous development of society, college students, as social citizens, gradually have the opportunity to change from management object to management subject in the trend of political socialization. In addition, College students are also the driving force of social development and the hope of making the whole country rich and strong. Therefore, making college students have enough political literacy and whether they are highly socialized will affect the development level of the whole society. At present, ideological and political education has been gradually popularized in universities, and the level of ideological and political education affects the results of college students’ political socialization. It is particularly important to constantly improve and improve the contents, objectives and methods of ideological and political education so as to promote the political socialization of college students. This thesis will study the ideological and political education in colleges and universities from many aspects and analyze its role and value in the political socialization of college students one by one.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (6) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Дина Пайгина ◽  
Dina Paygina

The article analyzes the role of political factors in integration processes. Their implementation is a key component of the foreign policy of any state. As is generally known, the strategy of mutual relations of various countries is determined by a number of political factors, taking into account the interests of the community or competition in various spheres of cooperation. At the same time political factors are seen as the driving force of any process imposed by a public authority. It seems that the effect of political factors in this context is reflected in the fact that during the decision-making the stakeholders of the international integration seek to satisfy their own interests. The condition of mutually beneficial relationships, which has a clear political and economic context, is one of the key conditions in resolving the issue of states’ entering into the integration process. The content of political factors includes not only the political nature of states’ activities at the international level, but also the causes and the circumstances under which these decisions were taken. Thus, political factors are one of the major reasons for making key decisions in the implementation of international integration processes.


Communicology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 131-143
Author(s):  
V. V. Tereshchenko

The paper is dedicated to the analysis of political innovations in the context of the general theory of innovation. The author defines the main scientific approaches used in social sciences and humanities to innovations, identifies the political features of the introduction of innovations, and, based on the examination of the problems of innovations introduction from the standpoint of political science, analyzes the role of Russian elites in the development of modern Russia. The study reveals the content of the concepts of innovation in the political sphere and political innovation, which are not that much the innovations per se, but the political processes determined by these innovations, as well as the associated political decisions and applied innovative political technologies. The article reveals the role of Russian elites in the innovative development of Russia, analyzes the susceptibility of Russian elites to innovations on the basis of the Elite Quality Index, and shows their ability to implement policies for the innovative development of Russia.


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (S1) ◽  
pp. S14-S14
Author(s):  
S. Priebe

Psychiatry is based on values and scientific evidence. The presentation will argue that both bases come with a social and political mission.The values require a commitment to help those in need of support, which cannot be fully achieved without social and political action. The scientific evidence points to the central role of societal factors, such as inequality and poverty, for the development of mental disorders. Influencing these factors requires political decisions.It will be concluded that taking up the social and political mission is a moral imperative for both psychiatrists as a professional group and individual psychiatrists, and may make the profession more relevant in society, more attractive to medical students, and more effective in helping patients with mental distress.The discussion will address the challenges and practical options for such a mission.Disclosure of interestThe author has not supplied his declaration of competing interest.


2020 ◽  
pp. 9-33
Author(s):  
Paolo Ponzù Donato

This paper offers a new perspective on vernacular literature in Milan in the 1430s, when Duke Filippo Maria Visconti commissioned from the humanists of his court vernacular translations of ancient histories and commentaries on Dante’s Comedy and Petrarch’s Canzoniere. These works, often dismissed as courtly products, were part of an ambitious cultural project that was carried out by humanists like Filippo Maria’s secretary Pier Candido Decembrio and Guini-forte Barzizza, but their attitude toward the duke’s commissions betrays their uneasiness with vernacular literature. It was the duke of Milan who, having sensed the political impact of promoting vernacular literature in Milan, intended to take over from Florence the role of driving force of Italian literature. Had not the Visconti army been defeated at Anghiari in 1440, Filippo Maria would have further pursued his ambition to politically and linguistically unify Italy under Milan’s rule.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-88
Author(s):  
Ivan Cerovac

Democratic procedures are characterized by the equal status of all citizens participating in the decision-making process. This procedural fairness represents one of the central aspects of democracy's legitimacy-generating potential and should not be rejected or weakened. However, citizens specialize in different areas and inevitably some citizens become more competent (i.e. become experts) regarding some political issues. Democratic procedure would loose much of its appeal if it would be unable to take advantage of the experts' knowledge. In this paper I follow Kitcher and Christiano in embracing a form of division of epistemic (and political) labour - citizens and their political representatives should deliberate and set aims the political community is to pursue, while experts and policy-makers should devise means (laws, public policies and political decisions) needed to achieve the aims set by citizens. However, citizens should not blindly trust the experts - their epistemic authority is derivative and social and academic networks and structures should be employed in order to enable citizens to assess and evaluate experts' competence, but experts' impartiality regarding the issue at hand as well. Consequently, the process should not be unidirectional: experts should be able to help citizens select feasible and coherent aims, while citizens should be able to help experts in creating policies and decisions. Deliberative democracy is an appropriate political setting for this kind of bidirectional communication.


2014 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 481-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dóra Győrffy

The main goal of the paper is to explain the role of expectations in austerity cycles during financial bailouts. The paper presents a political economy model of bailouts, where the conditions, their implementation, and market reception are considered as forms of a social dilemma. In such situations, expectations about the actions of other actors approximated by the concepts of trust or distrust play a critical role. An environment of trust is conducive to mitigating the size and effects of fiscal contraction, while an environment of distrust is likely to magnify both. It is also argued that the credibility of government is the key driving force in these self-reinforcing cycles. The crisis management experiences of Greece and Ireland serve to illustrate the theoretical model.


Author(s):  
Volodymyr Gorbatenko ◽  
Oksana Kukuruz

The political and legal spheres of society have long been studied separately within political science and legal science. In reality, they are closely interrelated, so for the sake of objectivity and reliability of research results, especially applied ones, these two areas should be considered comprehensively. The need to increase the influence of scientific developments on changing the practice of state formation in a given direction – the establishment of a democratic and legal state – requires the study of real connections between political and legal spheres of society, consideration of political and legal reality as a whole and promotion of research approaches that can strengthen the role of scientists in practice. The aim of this article is to reveal the role of theoretical, methodological and practical potential of social constructivism in the process of changing the political and legal reality, in particular in Ukraine. To achieve this aim, the method of system analysis, observation, modeling method was used. The application of a constructivist approach to the study of political and legal reality and the possibilities of its change indicates that in society it is necessary to form a discourse based on the following important postulates: there is a close connection between policy and law; positive law reflects the state’s strategic policy, not current policy as a struggle for power; policy is formed on the basis of positive law, not on the basis of political expediency. Sign-symbolic interactions should be aimed at constructing political and legal reality, in which the aim of political decisions and legal norms is to ensure socially useful interests, develop ways to eliminate socially harmful phenomena (legal fetishism, imaginary constitutionalism, inflation of law, etc.), there is respect to scientific knowledge.


Author(s):  
Pavel Lysikov

Introduction. The study is dedicated to the system of co-rulership in Byzantium in the early Palaiologan period. Our goal is to determine the role of the Byzantine emperor, the son and co-ruler of his father, the emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282–1328), Michael IX (1294–1320) in the political destabilization of the empire at the turn of the 13th–14th centuries by identifying the specific nature of power relations in the state at the time under study. Methods. The methodological basis of the study is a systematic approach. The power relations in Byzantium at the turn of the 13th–14th c. are considered as a system of interconnected elements that perform certain functions in relation to each other and to the system as a whole. The principles of the hermeneutic method allow us to give a holistic interpretation of the sources that form our understanding of the subject under study. Analysis and Results. As a result of the study, we found out that the specific nature of power relations in Byzantium at that time was determined by two circumstances. First, by the institutionalization of the co-rulership that occurred during the reign of the first Palaiologoi. It was mostly due to the publication of the prostagma by Michael VIII (1259–1282) in 1272, an important document, many provisions of which, in our opinion, were fully implemented (and, to some extent, even expanded) during the reign of his son Andronikos II. Second, by the division of managerial functions within the ruling family. While Andronikos II dealt with a whole range of issues related to various state activities (fiscal, socio-economic, administrative, political and legal, foreign policy, etc.), the younger basileus concentrated in his hands mainly the command of the army. The isolated position of Michael IX which consisted in his constant stay outside Constantinople and the presence of significant military contingents under his control provided a certain degree of independence for the younger basileus in his military and political decisions which often contradicted those of his father. At the same time, this separate co-existence of two imperial courts in the state with their own staff of courtiers disrupted the unity within a narrow group of the Byzantine elite, led to its disengagement and the appearance of people who associated with the younger emperor their further acquisition of high ranks and broader powers in Byzantium. After the death of Michael IX (1320) this circumstance will have a significant impact on the outbreak of the civil war in the empire (1321–1328).


Author(s):  
Anna Garasimchuk

We analyze the publicistic material of the British newspaper “The Times” in order to identify the attitude of Great Britain towards the political activities of Franz Joseph I – the last Emperor of Austria-Hungary. The study of newspaper articles allowed us to identify a voluminous block of publications that give the Emperor’s personal assessment, and also comment on a number of political decisions made by Franz Joseph I. Despite the fact that “The Times” has repeatedly harshly condemned the Austrian and Hungarian governments and parliaments for their inability cohesively make important political decisions and prevent domestic problems in time; criticism did not extend to the Emperor’s personality. According to “The Times”, Franz Joseph I was a re-spected ruler and a strong leader. Analysis of newspaper material showed that the following issues were most frequently raised and addressed in the British newspaper: 1) the personal qualities of Emperor Franz Joseph I; 2) the Emperor’s national policy; 3) the place and role of Franz Joseph I in the political development of Austria-Hungary. After the study of publicistic material we draw conclusion that the British liberals were very positive about the contribution of Franz Joseph I to the dual monarchy formation. According to “The Times”, Franz Joseph I had a reputation for be-ing a poised, tactful, benevolent monarch.


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