scholarly journals Introduction

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Eric Langenbacher

It sometimes seems that Germany is a country perpetually caught in the past. There are so many anniversaries that some sort of tracker is necessary to remember them all. Commemorations in 2019 included the seventieth anniversaries of the foundation of the Federal Republic and the formation of the NATO alliance, the eightieth anniversary of the outbreak of World War II, the 100th anniversaries of the Treaty of Versailles, the foundation of the Weimar Republic, and German women achieving the right to vote. In 2020, important commemorations include the seventy-fifth anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, the 250th anniversaries of Beethoven’s and Hegel’s birth, as well as the 100th anniversary of the HARIBO company that invented gummi bears.

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-151
Author(s):  
Jo Tollebeek ◽  
Germa Greving

In de zomer van 1912 werd met veel enthousiasme de honderdste geboortedag van Hendrik Conscience gevierd. Het eeuwfeest, dat vooral in Antwerpen veel publiek trok, illustreerde hoezeer ook nog aan de vooravond van de Eerste Wereldoorlog dergelijke herinneringsfeesten werden gekenmerkt door een ouder, romantisch idioom. In een traditionele, negentiendeeeuwse praalstoet en een door Emmanuel De Bom opgezette tentoonstelling werd de geschiedenis tot iets heiligs gemaakt, iets dat blijvende trouw afdwong. Maar tegelijk kreeg het eeuwfeest ook een actuele betekenis en werd Conscience niet alleen een erflater, maar ook een opdrachtgever. Tijdens twee ‘plechtige feestzittingen’ presenteerden René De Clercq en Pol De Mont Conscience als vader, die op gepaste wijze moest worden herdacht. Maar zij benadrukten ook dat het Woord van de schrijver tot Daden moest leiden. Dat maakte van het eeuwfeest van 1912 meer dan een romantisch herinneringsfeest: het ging ook om een politieke manifestatie, met een strijdbaar karakter en eigentijdse eisen (‘onze Vlaamsche Hoogeschool’). Dit sloot niet uit dat ernaar werd gestreefd de herinnering aan Conscience te musealiseren. De blik op de verdere Vlaamse ontvoogding vereiste blijkbaar ook een terugblik. Daarmee werden verleden en heden wederzijds op elkaar betrokken.________The splendour of the past, the right to the present. About Conscience’s centenary celebration. The 100th anniversary of the birth of Hendrik Conscience was celebrated with great enthusiasm in the summer of 1912. The centenary celebration, which drew a lot of public in Antwerp in particular, illustrated to which extent such memorial celebrations were characterised by an older, romantic idiom even on the eve of the First World War. A traditional nineteenth century pageant and an exhibition created by Emmanuel De Bom turned history into something holy, that enforced enduring loyalty. At the same time, however, the centenary celebration also acquired a present-day significance and thus Conscience became not only a testator but also an initiator. During two ‘formal festive sessions’ René De Clercq and Pol De Mont presented Conscience as the father who deserved to be remembered in a fitting manner. However, they also emphasized that the Words of the author needed to be translated into Actions. This meant that the 1912 century celebration was more than a romantic commemoration: it was also a political manifestation that was militant in nature and with contemporary demands. (‘Our Flemish University’). This did not exclude that it was attempted to musealize the memory of Conscience. The prospect of a continued Flemish emancipation apparently also required retrospection. Thus the past and the present were interlinked.


Author(s):  
Kamil Zaradkiewicz

In the reprivatisation procedures, conducted in Polish courts and before public administration bodies following the restoration of independence, it is increasingly frequently necessary to determine the person currently holding the right to restitution or compensation due to the death of the past owners. This means a necessity of determining the legal successors to people who held the right to nationalised (communalised) property, including – for individuals – their inheritors. Due to the principles of the international law applicable to people assigned during or immediately following the conclusion of World War II, it is connected with the necessity to apply the principles of then-current inheritance law. These will therefore be – in the western and northern regions of Poland, applicable provisions of the German civil law of 1896 (BGB), in the southern regions – the Austrian code of civil procedure of 1811 (ABGB), while in the central regions – the Napoleonic Code of 1804.The latter applies to the area of application of the decree dated 26 October 1945, which provides for the communalisation of land in Warsaw (on the ownership and usage of land within the boundaries of the capital city of Warsaw, so called Bierut’s Decree). This paper comprising two parts presents the basic solutions that refer to the institution of heirless inheritance (in the Napoleonic Code, also in ABGB), and so called vacant inheritance (les successions vacantes), which is a solution specific to French law, adopted in the territory of the Russian partition and which remained in force until 1947. The second part of this paper (in the next issue of the quarterly) will be devoted to an analysis of the consequences of deeming an inheritance to be vacant under the erstwhile art. 811 of the Napoleonic Code, and to the provisions of Polish intertemporal law that applied to this solution following the standardisation of inheritance law after 1946.


Author(s):  
Volker R. Berghahn

This introductory chapter briefly reviews the lives of the three journalists under discussion—Marion Countess Dönhoff, Paul Sethe, and Hans Zehrer—and places them within the context of German history under the shadow of World War II. It shows that the three journalists were all anti-Nazis in the Weimar Republic who had been enjoying liberal press freedoms under Article 118 of the Constitution. According to this article, “every German” had “the right, within the limits of general laws, to express his opinions freely.” Their freedom became threatened when from 1930 onward they witnessed the rise of Nazism and then Adolf Hitler's seizure of power in January 1933. Sethe, Zehrer, and Dönhoff (though she was not yet a journalist) continued to keep their distance from the regime thereafter. Unlike millions of other Germans, they never became members of the Nazi Party, nor did they emigrate or join the early underground resistance. Instead, this chapter argues that these three journalists went into “inner emigration.”


Author(s):  
Noah Benezra Strote

Not long after the horrors of World War II and the Holocaust, Germans rebuilt their shattered country and emerged as one of the leading nations of the Western liberal world. This book analyzes this remarkable turnaround and challenges the widely held perception that the Western Allies—particularly the United States—were responsible for Germany's transformation. Instead, the book shows how common opposition to Adolf Hitler united the fractious groups that had once vied for supremacy under the Weimar Republic, Germany's first democracy (1918–1933). The book's character-driven narrative follows ten Germans of rival worldviews who experienced the breakdown of Weimar society, lived under the Nazi dictatorship, and together assumed founding roles in the democratic reconstruction. While many have imagined postwar Germany as the product of foreign-led democratization, this study highlights the crucial role of indigenous ideas and institutions that stretched back decades before Hitler. Foregrounding the resolution of key conflicts that crippled the country's first democracy, the book presents a new model for understanding the origins of today's Federal Republic.


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. J. Lador-Lederer

L'internationalisation du crime terroriste ne pouvait laisser indifférents les criminalistes et les internationalistes pas plus que les gouvernements, d'autant que, souvent, des crimes d'une telle gravité restent impunis, car à l'internationalisation du terrorisme ne répond encore l'internationalisation de la répression.Antoine Sottile, 1938The great upbuilding of international law which set in with the end of World War II did not overlook the penal aspects affecting the social substratum and organizational assignments of international law. Matters were no longer envisaged in the rather simplistic manner of Art. 231 of the Treaty of Versailles which had, authoritatively though not arbitrarily, decreed that “Germany accepts the responsibility … for causing all the loss and damage to which Allied and Associated Governments and their nationals had been subjected as a consequence of the war imposed on them by the aggression of Germany and her allies”, and, not less authoritatively, though more arbitrarily, decided “publicly [to] arraign William II for a supreme offence against international morality and the sanctity of treaties”. More realistically, Art. 228 postulated the “right of the Allied and Associated Powers to bring before military tribunals persons accused of having committed acts in violation of the laws and customs of war”. To the great loss of mankind, these provisions were in time eroded to the point of becoming less than meaningless.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  

For almost 20 years after the end of World War II, many Japanese women were challenged by a dark secondary hyper pigmentation on their faces. The causation of this condition was unknown and incurable at the time. However this symptom became curable after a number of new cosmetic allergens were discovered through patch tests and as an aftermath, various cosmetics and soaps that eliminated all these allergens were put into production to be used exclusively for these patients. An international research project conducted by seven countries was set out to find out the new allergens and discover non-allergic cosmetic materials. Due to these efforts, two disastrous cosmetic primary sensitizers were banned and this helped to decrease allergic cosmetic dermatitis. Towards the end of the 20th century, the rate of positives among cosmetic sensitizers decreased to levels of 5% - 8% and have since maintained its rates into the 21th century. Currently, metal ions such as the likes of nickel have been identified as being the most common allergens found in cosmetics and cosmetic instruments. They often produce rosacea-like facial dermatitis and therefore allergen controlled soaps and cosmetics have been proved to be useful in recovering normal skin conditions.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-77
Author(s):  
Doris Wolf

This paper examines two young adult novels, Run Like Jäger (2008) and Summer of Fire (2009), by Canadian writer Karen Bass, which centre on the experiences of so-called ordinary German teenagers in World War II. Although guilt and perpetration are themes addressed in these books, their focus is primarily on the ways in which Germans suffered at the hands of the Allied forces. These books thus participate in the increasingly widespread but still controversial subject of the suffering of the perpetrators. Bringing work in childhood studies to bear on contemporary representations of German wartime suffering in the public sphere, I explore how Bass's novels, through the liminal figure of the adolescent, participate in a culture of self-victimisation that downplays guilt rather than more ethically contextualises suffering within guilt. These historical narratives are framed by contemporary narratives which centre on troubled teen protagonists who need the stories of the past for their own individualisation in the present. In their evacuation of crucial historical contexts, both Run Like Jäger and Summer of Fire support optimistic and gendered narratives of individualism that ultimately refuse complicated understandings of adolescent agency in the past or present.


Author(s):  
Leonard V. Smith

We have long known that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 “failed” in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the conference succeeded or failed, but the historically specific international system it created. It explores the rules under which that system operated, and the kinds of states and empires that inhabited it. Deepening the dialogue between history and international relations theory makes it possible to think about sovereignty at the conference in new ways. Sovereignty in 1919 was about remaking “the world”—not just determining of answers demarcating the international system, but also the questions. Most histories of the Paris Peace Conference stop with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on June 28, 1919. This book considers all five treaties produced by the conference as well as the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey in 1923. It is organized not chronologically or geographically, but according to specific problems of sovereignty. A peace based on “justice” produced a criminalized Great Power in Germany, and a template problematically applied in the other treaties. The conference as sovereign sought to “unmix” lands and peoples in the defeated multinational empires by drawing boundaries and defining ethnicities. It sought less to oppose revolution than to instrumentalize it. The League of Nations, so often taken as the supreme symbol of the conference’s failure, is better considered as a continuation of the laboratory of sovereignty established in Paris.


1926 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-30
Author(s):  
Percy Alvin Martin

To students of international relations it has become almost a commonplace that among the most significant and permanent results of the World War has been the changed international status of the republics of Latin America. As a result of the war and post-war developments in these states, the traditional New World isolation in South America, as well as in North America, is a thing of the past. To our leading sister republics is no longer applicable the half-contemptuous phrase, current in the far-off days before 1914, that Latin America stands on the margin of international life. The new place in the comity of nations won by a number of these states is evidenced—to take one of the most obvious examples—by the raising of the legations of certain non-American powers to the rank of embassies, either during or immediately after the war. In the case of Brazil, for instance, where prior to 1914 only the United States maintained an ambassador, at the present time Great Britain, France, Italy, Belgium, Portugal, and Japan maintain diplomatic representatives of this rank.Yet all things considered one of the most fruitful developments in the domain of international relations has been the share taken by our southern neighbors in the work of the League of Nations. All of the Latin American republics which severed relations with Germany or declared war against that country were entitled to participate in the Peace Conference. As a consequence, eleven of these states affixed their signatures to the Treaty of Versailles, an action subsequently ratified in all cases except Ecuador.


1990 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Reid

Since the end of World War II the study of Southeast Asia has changed unrecognizably. The often bitter end of colonialism caused a sharp break with older scholarly traditions, and their tendency to see Southeast Asia as a receptacle for external influences—first Indian, Persian, Islamic or Chinese, later European. The greatest gain over the past forty years has probably been a much increased sensitivity to the cultural distinctiveness of Southeast Asia both as a whole and in its parts. If there has been a loss, on the other hand, it has been the failure of economic history to advance beyond the work of the generation of Furnivall, van Leur, Schrieke and Boeke. Perhaps because economic factors were difficult to disentangle from external factors they were seen by very few Southeast Asianists as the major challenge.


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