scholarly journals Некоторые полицейские меры со стороны властей Российской империи в отношении уроженцев Царства Польского после Ноябрьского 1830 г. и Январского 1863 г. восстаний

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (XXIV) ◽  
pp. 183-196
Author(s):  
Сергей Лазарян
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right ◽  
Hard Labour

The Russian authorities used repressive measures against the Poles, who were active partic-ipants in the November 1830 and January 1863 uprisings. These measures included arrest and ex-pulsion to the inner provinces of the Russian Empire under the supervision of the police without the right to return to their homeland; the inclusion in military garrisons stationed in various parts of the empire; the direction to serve in the troops in the Caucasus, where military operations were conducted against the local highlanders and expulsion to hard labour and settlement in Siberia or in the internal provinces of Russia.The severity of repressive measures was determined by the fact that, in the exiled Poles, they saw a source of hatred spreading towards the tsarist government. The authorities feared the influ-ence of their thoughts on the liberal strata of Russian society, especially on young people. With such measures, they tried to suppress the restless minds. The imperial authorities also feared the reaction of Europe, which threatened Russia with “anathema” and intervention.

Unknown Documents of 1734 About Swedish Citizens Taken Into Serfdom

2019 ◽  
pp. 12-19
Author(s):  
Serhii I. Degtyarev ◽  
Violetta S. Molchanova
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
District Court ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Handwritten Documents ◽  
Ancient Times ◽  
Historical Phenomenon ◽  
State Archives ◽  
The Russian Empire

This work is devoted to the publication and analysis of two previously unknown handwritten documents of 1734. These documents contain information on several persons of Swedish nationality, which were illegally taken out by the Russian nobleman I. Popov during the Northern War from the territory of Sweden. Materials are stored in the State Archives of the Sumy region. They are part of the archival case of Okhtyrka District Court, but they are not thematically connected with it. These documents were once part of a much larger complex of materials. They refer to the request of former Swedish nationals to release them from serfdom from the Belgorod and Kursk landlords Popov and Dolgintsev. The further fate of these people remained unknown. But it is known that they were mistreated by their masters. Russian legislation at the time prohibited such treatment of persons of Swedish nationality. This was discussed in terms of the peace agreement Nishtadskoyi 1721. The two documents revealed illustrate the episodes of the lives of several foreigners who were captured. The analyzed materials give an opportunity to look at a historical phenomenon like a serfdom in the territory of the Russian Empire under a new angle. They allow us to study one of the ways to replenish the serfs. Documents can also be used as a source for the study of some aspects of social history, in biographical studies. The authors noted that the conversion to the property of the enslaved people of other nationalities was a very common practice in the XVII-XIX centuries. This source of replenishment of the dependent population groups were popular in many nations in Europe, Asia and Africa since ancient times. For example, in the Crimean Khanate, Turkey, Italy, Egypt, the nations of the Caucasus and many others. Кeywords: Sweden, Russian Empire, historical source, documents, Russo-Swedish War, Nistadt Treaty, Viborg, Swedish citizens, enslavement, serfdom.

scholarly journals Legal nihilism in resolving family conflicts of nobles and peasants of Russian Empire in the first third of XIX century

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 22-30
Author(s):  
S. P. Volf ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Family Relations ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Family Conflicts ◽  
Raising Children ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

The article highlights the ways of resolving family conflicts nobles and peasants in the first third of the XIX century in the Russian Empire, against the background of the ongoing systematization of legislation. Based on examination of the letters and memoirs of the nobles and peasants we highlighted the methods, which are actually used to solve family conflicts. I conclude that nobles and peasants rarely used help of the state in resolving family conflicts. The sphere of family relations was sacred for these estates; therefore, they did not rope the authorities into family conflicts. I have identified the following ways to resolve family conflicts: duel; marriage, often in the form of a secret wedding; going to the monastery and punishing the unfaithful wife; different approaches to raising children by peasants and nobles. The author of the article pays attention to passivity of the peasants in resolving their family conflicts. The results of the study allow exploring the alternative ways of resolving family conflicts based on representatives of other classes of Russian society in the first third of the 19th century (clergy, merchants, philistines, foreigners) as well, using wider range of sources (journalism, normative acts, fiction, paperwork). This analysis contributes to the discussion about the limits of the government intervention into family affairs. The author of the article redlines that people did not trust the law and resorted to the personally legitimate sources of dealing with family conflicts. This conclusion presents a new perspective in the discussion of legal nihilism and real application of the law in life

scholarly journals Practice of relationships between the Prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie in the investigation of political crimes

2018 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-37
Author(s):  
V. P. Gorbachov
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Judicial Reform ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Political Repression ◽  
Impartial Observer ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
The Relationship

The article discusses the practice of the relationships between the Prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie, which formed during the investigation of political crimes in the Russian Empire after the judicial reform of 1864. It is indicated that the law of May 19, 1871 changed the legal relationships between the gendarmerie and the Prosecutor’s office. The gendarmerie was given the right to conduct an inquiry, and the prosecutor’s office was entrusted with the supervision of this activity. Central agencies targeted the prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie to coordinate their activities in the investigation of political crimes, which resulted in their gradual rapprochement. In practice, the Prosecutor’s office began to take an active part in the conduct of inquiries on the state crimes. As a result, it gradually lost its original meaning “guardian of the law and an impartial observer for the correctness of the actions of a person who conducted the inquiry”. The actual relationships between the Prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie was not unambiguous. They largely depended on specific individuals and could be diametrically opposed. Along with the relations of “mutual understanding” there were also facts of direct conflicts between the prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie. Despite such different relationship, in society, the existing level of political repression “was attributed to the joint and solidary activities of zealous gendarmes with zealous prosecutors”. The career of prosecutors depended largely on the relationship with the gendarmerie. Later, during the inquiry, many prosecutors began to lose their impartiality and gradually turned into agents of gendarmerie goals. According to the figurative expression of the former Chairman of the Council of Ministers S. Witte, the Minister of justice himself “from the Supreme guardian of legality became an assistant to the chief of gendarmes and the chief of secret police”.

scholarly journals The “Edelevsky” list of the “protective memory” of Tsar Ivan Vasilyevich to the Mordovian Princes and Murzes in 1572

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander N. Demidov
Keyword(s):  
Social Stratification ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Family Ties ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Unique Source ◽  
The Russian Empire

Introduction. The article considers the publication of a unique source for the history of the Mordovian people, the “protective memory” dated by 1572 addressed to the princes and Murzes of Mordovia. The “protective memory” is considered in comparison with the “romadanovsky” list belonging to the descendants of the Mordovian prince Romadan, seeking the return of the nobility, the non-criminal record of the Temnik-Kadom Mordva, published in the XVIII century, similar to the records of Tatar Sovereigns to the Temnik-Kadom Mordva. Materials and methods. The author focused on studying the content of the source, revealing the identities of the recipients, analyzing the composition of the princes and Murz of Mordovian records, spelling of the names, origin, and family ties. The genealogy of the princes Edelevs is being reconstructed, the history of their kind is described together with the history of Mordovian Murzas and their representatives in the context of social and historical ties. Results and discussion. The article describes the social situation of Princes Edelevs, the features of land ownership, land use, property and ownership of serfs. The article discusses the history of the discovery and use of the source in the clerical work of the aristocratic deputies’ assemblies and the Governing Senate at the request of the descendants of Mordovian princes and Muzes from the Edelev family to restore the rights of the noble state. It poses the problem of studying the social stratification in Mordovian society, the typology and origin of the Mordovian aristocracy, the peculiarities of the titling and inheritance of power, its role in the historical and social development of the Mordovian people, as well as its legal status in the Russian Empire. It compares the situation of the Temnikov-Kadom Mordovian Tarkhans, Cossacks, White Field and Alatyr princes and Mordovian Murzes, serving Mordovians and Tatars. Conclusion. “Protective memory” indicates that in the XVI century there was a national Mordovian aristocracy, collaborating with Moscow and being in the service of Great Sovereigns, and subsequently becoming part of the nobility and other classes of Russian society. The choice of Mordovian princes ensured the relatively peaceful entry of Mordovian lands into the Russian Empire.

Uzņemšanas noteikumi augstākās mācību iestādēs: starptautiskā pieredze (19. gs. otrā puse – 20. gs. sākums)

2021 ◽  
pp. 26-30
Author(s):  
Tatjana Bartele
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Young People ◽  
Secondary School ◽  
University Students ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Student Enrolment ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Given

The article looks at the enrolment requirements of Universities in Europe and the Russian Empire in the given period of time. The state’s attitude is tracked towards different categories of secondary school graduates who wanted to become University students. In this context, the opportunities of getting higher education for young people of Latvia are analysed. The article describes the changes in student enrolment in universities of Latvia and other countries in the 20th century.

EDUCATION AS A CULTURAL ELEMENT FOR MOUNTAIN PEOPLES OF THE CAUCASUS AT THE CLOSING STAGE OF THE CAUCASIAN WAR

2015 ◽  
pp. 5-10
Author(s):  
V.A. Shturba
Keyword(s):  
Educational Policy ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Cultural Element ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article analyses the educational policy of the Russian Empire in the territories conquered during the Caucasian War. The review of forms and methods of introducing spiritual and ethic assimilation of local tribes has been presented. The concern of the Russian government about the cultural uniqueness of mountain peoples has been demonstrated. It is realized by means of forming ethnically oriented models.

scholarly journals MODERN MYTHS OF HISTORY OF PEDAGOGICS

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 43-58
Author(s):  
Sergei Teleshov ◽  
Elena Teleshova
Keyword(s):  
Teacher Training ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Teacher Training College ◽  
Russian State ◽  
State Pedagogical ◽  
Unique Material ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right

The unique material returning us to the history of a question on possible primogenitors of the Russian State Pedagogical University, the long years, was a smithy of the best teacher's staff of the Russian empire and then the USSR is offered to attention of readers. Whether it is lawful to adhere only to one version of the occurrence of the pedagogical university? The reader can find some answers to an asked question in an offered material. And all of them, probably, have the right to existence. Scientific researchers are guided first of all by the facts (the facts, as speak, a stubborn thing). However, the facts powerless before politicians who interpret history randomly. Nevertheless, we insist that the history of pedagogical university, began in 1903 with the creation of Women's teacher training college. Key words: history of pedagogy, Educational House, teacher's seminary, pedagogical college, pedagogical university.

scholarly journals Social-political activity of O. Bobrinsky in the last quarter of the nineteenth century.

10.33287/1196 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 58-70
Author(s):  
І. С. Карпань ◽  
Н. С. Чернікова
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Dominant Position ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article deals with problems of the noble class in post-reform period in Russia (70–90-ies XIXth cent.) through A. Bobrinsky’s activity as the Leader of the St. Petersburg nobility. The study analyzed his activities towards the Nobility consolidation and involvement their representatives into development of Russian state policy. A. Bobrinsky belonged to the family of large landowners and successful sugar-growers of the Russian Empire. It greatly influenced to the formation of his political worldview and contributed to the growth of the young Count’s authority among the Nobility and Gentry. In the last quarter of the XIXth cent. A. Bobrinsky defended the dominant position of the Nobility as the provincial Governor (the Leader) of the St. Petersburg nobility. A. Bobrinsky’s main efforts were aimed to the consolidation of the Gentry to defend their own rights and privileges and their involvement to the Russian state authorities. He promoted the idea of founding a representative institution – the Duma or Zemsky Sobor – in Russian Empire. However, the purpose of its creation he was seen in the count in the redistribution of executive, judicial and punitive powers between government representatives and elected people from the Nobility. He was convinced that only the Gentry was worthy to represent the interests of Russian society in the state authorities. During this period, the young Bobrinsky attempted to unite the St. Petersburg nobility into the organization of «Svyataya Druzhyna». It was a semi-secret organization which established to protect of the Russian Tsar from possible terrorist acts. The purpose of the organization was rather limited and local, so it disintegrated soon. However, it contributed to the growth of A. Bobrysky’s authority as a loyal to the Tsar and autocracy personality. It had a great importance in the conditions of the economic and political crisis of the noble class. In the 90’s of the XIX cent. A. Bobrinsky took an active part in nobility meetings devoted to problems of the privileged class. Here he defended an idea of preserving the privileges and dominant position of the estate Nobility. He opposed the provision of political rights and state support to the estateless nobles-homeowners and representatives of the bourgeoisie. A. Bobrinsky didn’t reject an idea to create conditions for the nobility replenishment by the new social classes, but he saw it possibility only in the distant future. However, even government support didn’t contribute to consolidation processes and politicization among the nobility class. A. Bobrinsky with sadness stated that the meetings of the noble leaders continued to be only like private talks about preserving the nobility former positions in the social structure. So he had to change strategy and initiated the founding in 1906 a new organization – the United Nobility. During the next decade its existence largely predetermined the main directions of Russian government policy and as a whole.

scholarly journals PANTELEIMON KULISH AND THE "JEWISH QUESTION" IN THE MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY

2019 ◽  
pp. 60-66
Author(s):  
Victor Dotsenko
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Jewish Question ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Great Writer

The author attempts to analyze the views of Panteleimon Kulish on the history, culture and everyday life of Jews who lived along with Ukrainians in the Ukrainian provinces of the Russian Empire, to determine what factors and stereotypes formed the outlook of the great writer and his attitude to the Russian imperial project of resolving the "Jewish question". With the growing of Russian imperial messianism and chauvinism, Ukrainian intellectuals appeared in a difficult situation. The tsar held assimilation policies towards both Jews and Ukrainians. At the same time, Jews additionallly suffered from manifestations of state anti-Semitism. Engagement of Ukrainian Christians in anti-Semitic actions has intensified the position of Russifikators of Ukrainian lands. The Ukrainian elite aimed to stop these manifestations of anti-Semitism by its actions. Obviously, the Ukrainian protest did not condemn anti-Semitism without reservations, because its authors suggested that Jews should partly share responsibility for anti-Semitism. The idea of protesting Ukrainian intellectuals coincided with ideas of Russian liberals who offered to consider Russian Jews as carriers of "civil autonomy and moral independence," and urged them to abandon their national-religious prejudices. While supporting the civil rights of Jews, Kulish at the same time realized that the Ukrainians themselves belonged to the oppressed nations in the Russian Empire, where, in general, social and national rights and freedoms were much less than in the constitutional states of Western Europe. Therefore, he found it impractical to move from there to Russian blindly a practice of artificial support for only Jewish nationality, because in imperial terms this meant only a change in the configuration of national unequal, and not the elimination of it at all. P. Kulish's views on the "Jewish question" of the mid-nineteenth century corresponded to the conceptions of Russian liberal intellectuals regarding the modernization of Russian society. He supports the proclaimed liberal ideas of the need to integrate Jews into imperial life. Jews must be the most interested in destroying of the traditional world of the Jewish town. Giving the Jews of secular education, adopting by them the modern values could lead to the elimination of intolerance and manifestations of anti-Semitism in the society. The Jews himself, according to P. Kulish had to go towards society and change their social mood.

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