scholarly journals Social-political activity of O. Bobrinsky in the last quarter of the nineteenth century.

10.33287/1196 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 58-70
Author(s):  
І. С. Карпань ◽  
Н. С. Чернікова

The article deals with problems of the noble class in post-reform period in Russia (70–90-ies XIXth cent.) through A. Bobrinsky’s activity as the Leader of the St. Petersburg nobility. The study analyzed his activities towards the Nobility consolidation and involvement their representatives into development of Russian state policy. A. Bobrinsky belonged to the family of large landowners and successful sugar-growers of the Russian Empire. It greatly influenced to the formation of his political worldview and contributed to the growth of the young Count’s authority among the Nobility and Gentry. In the last quarter of the XIXth cent. A. Bobrinsky defended the dominant position of the Nobility as the provincial Governor (the Leader) of the St. Petersburg nobility. A. Bobrinsky’s main efforts were aimed to the consolidation of the Gentry to defend their own rights and privileges and their involvement to the Russian state authorities. He promoted the idea of founding a representative institution – the Duma or Zemsky Sobor – in Russian Empire. However, the purpose of its creation he was seen in the count in the redistribution of executive, judicial and punitive powers between government representatives and elected people from the Nobility. He was convinced that only the Gentry was worthy to represent the interests of Russian society in the state authorities. During this period, the young Bobrinsky attempted to unite the St. Petersburg nobility into the organization of «Svyataya Druzhyna». It was a semi-secret organization which established to protect of the Russian Tsar from possible terrorist acts. The purpose of the organization was rather limited and local, so it disintegrated soon. However, it contributed to the growth of A. Bobrysky’s authority as a loyal to the Tsar and autocracy personality. It had a great importance in the conditions of the economic and political crisis of the noble class. In the 90’s of the XIX cent. A. Bobrinsky took an active part in nobility meetings devoted to problems of the privileged class. Here he defended an idea of preserving the privileges and dominant position of the estate Nobility. He opposed the provision of political rights and state support to the estateless nobles-homeowners and representatives of the bourgeoisie. A. Bobrinsky didn’t reject an idea to create conditions for the nobility replenishment by the new social classes, but he saw it possibility only in the distant future. However, even government support didn’t contribute to consolidation processes and politicization among the nobility class. A. Bobrinsky with sadness stated that the meetings of the noble leaders continued to be only like private talks about preserving the nobility former positions in the social structure. So he had to change strategy and initiated the founding in 1906 a new organization – the United Nobility. During the next decade its existence largely predetermined the main directions of Russian government policy and as a whole.

Author(s):  
Галина Алексеевна Кокорина ◽  
Анна Валерьевна Белова

В статье анализируется историческое пребывание немцев на территории Российской империи XVIII - первой четверти XIX в. Рассматривается правовой статус немецких переселенцев в XVIII - первой четверти XIX в. На основе законодательных актов просматриваются тенденции в период каждого царствования, а также общая тенденция на протяжении исследуемого периода. Проанализированы историографические работы, связанные с нахождением немцев на территории России. Исследуются экономические, политические и культурные связи немцев и российского государства. Рассматривается конфессиональная политика российского государства в отношении немецкого населения. Каждый правитель старался включать иностранцев (немцев) в российское общество. В период с XVIII - первой четверти XIX в. не сформировался особый правовой или экономический статус немцев в Российской империи. The article analyzes the historical stay of the Germans on the territory of the Russian Empire in the XVIII - first quarter of the XIX century. The legal status of German immigrants in the XVIII - first quarter of the XIX century is considered. On the basis of legislative acts, the trends in the period of each reign are viewed, as well as the general trend during the period under study. The historiographical works related to the presence of the Germans on the territory of Russia are analyzed. The economic, political and cultural relations of the Germans and the Russian state are investigated. The article considers the confessional policy of the Russian state in relation to the German population. Each ruler tried to include foreigners (Germans) in Russian society. In the period from the XVIII - first quarter of the XIX century. The special legal or economic status of the Germans in the Russian Empire was not formed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 875-891
Author(s):  
R. S. Avilov ◽  

This article based on a large body of unpublished documents from the Russian State Military Historical Archive (RSMHA). The author analyzes the history of the acquaintance Russian Minister of War A. N. Kuropatkin with publications by the Japanese ultra-nationalist society Kokuryūkai in 1901. Despite weaknesses of Russian intelligence in the Far East before the Russo-Japanese War, the service was been able to obtain a highly valued materials, such as the second volume of Bulletin of Amur River Society. An analysis of this publication reveals that the authors and the journals founder, Uchida Ryōhei, had a high level of knowledge about Russian society. The Japanese discovered all the weak spots of Imperial governance, finance, economy, educational system, and domestic and foreign policies of the Russian Empire. The article shows how the Minister of War read a translation of Japanese edition and noted the authors’ conclusions. We conclude that the Japanese state was able to organize these investigations of Russia using materials from nationalist organizations that sometimes took different positions from those of the Russian government, in Russian. In contrast, Russian officials were not able to do a normal analysis of observations from official channels, And Kuropatkin often did not understand the value of such materials that were passed on to him.


Author(s):  
Ksenia Aleksandrovna Nesterova

This article analyzes the activity of the politician, former deputy of the First State Duma of the Russian Empire from the Cadet Party – M. M. Vinaver (1862 – 1926) during the period of emigration. Leaning on the materials from the personal archive of Maxim Vinaver stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, memoir of his contemporaries, as well as the achievements of modern historiography on the topic, the author explores the role of M. M. Vinaver in the work of such political anti-Bolshevist liberal organizations of the first-wave emigrants as the Crimean Regional Government, Russian Society of the League of Peoples, Russian Democratic Association, as well as private-held sessions of the former members of the Constituent Assembly. The scientific novelty of this research consists in gaining historical experience of the formation and evolution of anti-Bolshevist liberal political projects and acquiring historical knowledge on the emigrated political elite of the Russian Empire during the transition historical period. The research result lies in tracing the evolution of views of the politician on the methods, strategies and form of struggle against the Bolsheviks; as well as in the analysis of his projects on reconstruction of the Russian State based on the legal principles of civil society, as well as some of his psychological characteristics. The author indicates the active participation and crucial role of Maxim Vinaver in life of the white émigré overall and its political liberal organizations in particular.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-425
Author(s):  
Svetlana N. Brezhneva

This article considers the visits of the rulers of Russias Central Asian protectorates to St. Petersburg as a means for the imperial authorities to communicate with the Muslim elite. It argues out that gifts, decorations and lavish receptions were all means to exert psychological pressure on the Emir of Bukhara and the Khan of Khiva. Together with other practices, these were meant integrate the Muslim elite into Russian society. As relations with the protectorates evolved, the Russian government developed a plan to annex them. However, the ministry of foreign affairs effectively blocked the move. At the same time, St Petersburg accorded extensive powers to the protectorates rulers that even exceeded those of Turkestans governor-general, encouraging them to consider themselves to be independent rulers. At the same time, differences in outlook, faith, and ways to communicate led the protectorates to separate themselves from the Russian Empire and drove them into the arms its enemies during World War I.


Author(s):  
Anton Krassowski

This article presents the results of the analysis of the formed set of information about the rural located on the territory of the Ruza district of the Moscow province in the XVI–XIX centuries. The source of information was historical documents and materials summarising them of the Russian state and the Russian empire of the XVI–XIX centuries and cartographic materials of the XVIII–XIX centuries, containing information about rural and settlements that became rural later, as well as information about the owners of settlements and their families in the XVI–XVIII centuries. The search was performed taking into account changes in the administrative- and church-territorial divisions of the territory of the county and taking into account changes in the types and names of settlements during the considered period of time. The systematisation of the received information and its presentation in tabular form were performed in order to ensure the convenience of performing further work with their use. The assessment of the adequacy of the reflection of the events of the social and political life of the XVI–XIX centuries formed by the totality of information about the rural of the Ruza district is made. The dependence of the predominance of a number of methods of formation of the corresponding toponyms on the era of their mention in documents and the creation of cartographic materials is revealed. The coincidence of the results obtained as a result of this study with the results obtained by recognised experts who worked in this field, allowed us to conclude that it is possible to use the formed set of information to study the reflection of the life of Russian society in documents and cartographic materials of the XVI–XIX centuries on the example of the Ruzsky district of the Moscow province.


Author(s):  
Rafael Komiljonov

The article examines the Genesis of the institution of jury trial in the Russian Empire from the moment of its introduction to the end of the Provisional government. It is noted that the emergence of a trial with the participation of jurors was influenced by Western models of the judicial process, and the forms of participation of citizens in the administration of justice that previously existed on the territory of the Russian state were taken into account. The role that the jury system has played with some success in the search for truth, justice, and the implementation of effective and independent justice in the past centuries is particularly highlighted.


2020 ◽  
pp. 83-105
Author(s):  
Boris V. Nosov ◽  
Lyudmila P. Marney

The article is devoted to the problems of the regional policy of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 19th century discussed in the latest Russian historiography, to the peculiarities of the state-legal status and administrative practice of the Kingdom of Poland. It was the time when basic principles and a special structure of management at the outlying regions of the empire were developed, and when special (historical, national, and cultural) regions were formed on the periphery of the Empire. The policy of the Russian government in relation to the Kingdom of Poland depended both on the fundamental trends in the international relations in Central and Eastern Europe (as reflected in international treaties), as well as on the internal political development of the empire, and the peculiarities of political, legal, social, economic, cultural processes in the Kingdom and on Polish lands in Austria and Prussia. All these aspects have an impact on the debate that historians and legal experts are conducting on the state and legal status of parts of the lands of the former Principality of Warsaw that were included in the Russian Empire in 1815 by the decision of the Congress of Vienna. The fundamental political principles of the Russian Empire in the Kingdom of Poland in the first half of the 19th century were a combination of autocracy (with individual elements of enlightened absolutism), based on centralized bureaucratic control, and relatively decentralized political, administrative and estate structures, which assumed the presence of local self-government.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-373
Author(s):  
Irina V Sinova

The article deals with the issues related to the evolution of the use of women in the civil service at the turn of the 19th - 20th centuries on the example of the Maritime Ministry on the basis of previously unpublished documents stored in the Russian state archive of the Navy and periodical press materials. The study of gender issues can be of scientific interest on the basis of its documents, as practically not in demand in research related to the women’s issue. As a result of the struggle of the public, there were some concessions on the part of the authorities related to the expansion of women’s access to fill certain positions in a number of areas that experienced a lack of certain qualifications, including public service, in the conditions of intensive bourgeois development. The article analyzes the legal acts regulating the work of women, especially in the public service. it is shown how the changes that took place in the Russian Empire influenced the transformation of the socio-economic situation of women in General, and, also, became a reflection of the social policy of the state. The article reveals the attitude of the heads of departments of the Ministry to the admission of women to the public service, as well as their opinion on the degree of necessity for the service itself in attracting women to it. The article deals with the arguments of men - heads of departments of the Ministry, related to the impact of women’s work on home life, on the family and on itself, which differed largely by philistine assessments, rather than progressive views. In fact, on the part of the authorities, concessions to women were more imaginary and forced than the result of an objective assessment of their equal opportunity to serve in the public system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-34
Author(s):  
Žygimantas Buržinskas ◽  
Vytautas Levandauskas

SummaryThis article presents the heritage of the Dominican Order, which underwent the biggest transformation and destruction in Lithuania during the occupation by tsarist Russia. After the uprisings against the tsarist Russian government in the region in 1831 and 1863–1864, a Russification policy began, primarily targeted against the Catholic Church organization. The Dominican Order, which renewed its activities and had been purposefully operating in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania since the beginning of the 16th century, was liquidated during the occupation by tsarist Russia. This article studies the original appearances of Aukštadvaris, Kaunas, Merkinė and Paparčiai monasteries, which were most affected by reconstruction and demolition works during the Russian occupation, and reconstructions of their original appearance are presented. The architectural expression of all the monasteries in question suffered the most after the uprising in 1863–1864. In Aukštadvaris and Kaunas old convent churches were reconstructed into Orthodox churches by changing their old architecture, destroying individual elements of the building volume and decoration. Russian-Neo-Byzantine style promoted in the Russian Empire emerged in this context. The buildings of Merkinė and Paparčiai monasteries were completely demolished. Based on the iconographic material, especially the drawings and plans of the buildings made before the reconstruction or demolition works as well as visitations of the monasteries and material of other historical sources, the visualizations of the Aukštadvaris, Kaunas and Merkinė monastery complexes were prepared using modern means.


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