scholarly journals Economic figures of apple production at national level of Hungary

2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Felföldi

After the change of the political system the main looser was in Hungary the fruit-growing branch. The yields varied at high amplitudes, and the production increased slowly in spite of multiple planting activities. The European Union ranked fruit production “loosely” to the products, which allows the extension of its markets. Thus I decided to analyse the economic relations of the period between 2002 and 2008 in order to reveal the main effects of movements. The pictures are the resultants of a heterogeneous population, which cannot be influenced on the level of enterprises. But they are utilised for the recognition of challenges and trends on the level of branches of economy. The immediate costs increased the production monotonously, which cannot be compensated by a thrifty management of the general costs. Thus costs of production increased dramatically, whereas the marketing of products could not realise the values.

2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (4-5) ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Felföldi

After the political changes of 1989, economical processes impaired heavily the Hungarian fruit growing branch, more particularly production of sour cherry. Paralleling with the increasing mass of production, producer’s prices dwindled drastically. At present, Hungarian growers cannot cover the costs of production, nay, hardly raise income. My purpose was to analyse the cost and income relations of the sour cherry branch during the period of 2002-2009 years in order to find out what are the decisive features, which reveal the trends to be considered. The data presented in the paper are means of a heterogeneous population of values, which cannot be utilised for immediate use in management, but they may reveal the challenges and tendencies of economics of the branch.


Author(s):  
Anatolii Petrovich Mykolaiets

It is noted that from the standpoint of sociology, “management — a function of organized systems of various nature — (technical, biological, social), which ensures the preservation of their structure, maintaining a certain state or transfer to another state, in accordance with the objective laws of the existence of this system, which implemented by a program or deliberately set aside”. Management is carried out through the influence of one subsystem-controlling, on the other-controlled, on the processes taking place in it with the help of information signals or administrative actions. It is proved that self-government allows all members of society or a separate association to fully express their will and interests, overcome alienation, effectively combat bureaucracy, and promote public self-realization of the individual. At the same time, wide direct participation in the management of insufficiently competent participants who are not responsible for their decisions, contradicts the social division of labor, reduces the effectiveness of management, complicates the rationalization of production. This can lead to the dominance of short-term interests over promising interests. Therefore, it is always important for society to find the optimal measure of a combination of self-management and professional management. It is determined that social representation acts, on the one hand, as the most important intermediary between the state and the population, the protection of social interests in a politically heterogeneous environment. On the other hand, it ensures the operation of a mechanism for correcting the political system, which makes it possible to correct previously adopted decisions in a legitimate way, without resorting to violence. It is proved that the system of social representation influences the most important political relations, promotes social integration, that is, the inclusion of various social groups and public associations in the political system. It is proposed to use the term “self-government” in relation to several levels of people’s association: the whole community — public self-government or self-government of the people, to individual regions or communities — local, to production management — production self-government. Traditionally, self-government is seen as an alternative to public administration. Ideology and practice of selfgovernment originate from the primitive, communal-tribal democracy. It is established that, in practice, centralization has become a “natural form of government”. In its pure form, centralization does not recognize the autonomy of places and even local life. It is characteristic of authoritarian regimes, but it is also widely used by democratic regimes, where they believe that political freedoms should be fixed only at the national level. It is determined that since the state has achieved certain sizes, it is impossible to abandon the admission of the existence of local authorities. Thus, deconcentration appears as one of the forms of centralization and as a cure for the excesses of the latter. Deconcentration assumes the presence of local bodies, which depend on the government functionally and in the order of subordination of their officials. The dependency of officials means that the leadership of local authorities is appointed by the central government and may be displaced.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 611-630
Author(s):  
Jonathan White

AbstractI examine responses to norm indeterminacy in the transnational context, focusing on regional integration in post-War Europe. I argue that the development of the European Union has been facilitated by the use of a legitimizing device whereby policy decisions at a European level are cast as beyond the scope of reasonable political disagreement and therefore distinct from the conditions which make democracy a desirable political form at the national level. This rejection of the political significance of norm indeterminacy has led to a widely diagnosed trend of “depoliticization” in European politics. The paper examines how best to understand this trend, and explores how an adapted account of “enlightened localism” might offer better ways of coping with indeterminate norms.


2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 1349-1370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Manow ◽  
Holger Döring

Voters who participate in elections to the European Parliament (EP) apparently use these elections to punish their domestic governing parties. Many students of the EU therefore claim that the party—political composition of the Parliament should systematically differ from that of the EU Council. This study shows that opposed majorities between council and parliament may have other than simply electoral causes. The logic of domestic government formation works against the representation of more extreme and EU-skeptic parties in the Council, whereas voters in EP elections vote more often for these parties. The different locations of Council and Parliament are therefore caused by two effects: a mechanical effect—relevant for the composition of the Council—when national votes are translated into office and an electoral effect in European elections. The article discusses the implications of this finding for our understanding of the political system of the EU and of its democratic legitimacy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 127-160
Author(s):  
Jenny D. Balboa

Abstract Since the Philippines elected President Rodrigo Duterte in 2016, the country’s foreign policy seems to have become more uncertain. President Duterte’s mercurial personality and antagonistic tirades against the country’s traditional Western allies, including the United States (US) and the European Union (EU), and his statements of building closer ties with China and Russia, had changed the political and diplomatic tone of the Philippines overall. Certainly, the political relationship between the Philippines and the West has been changed by Duterte’s strong remarks against the US and EU. Has this change spilled over to the economy? The paper presents an international political economy framework in examining the impact of Duterte’s foreign policy pivot to the country’s foreign economic relations, focusing on trade and investment. The paper argues that Duterte’s foreign policy shift is mainly shaped by Duterte’s “politics of survival”. Not firmly anchored in any idea, norms, or interest that can clearly benefit the country, Duterte is unable to provide coherent guidance and leadership on the foreign policy pivot, particularly on the economy. Duterte’s lack of guidance provided the technocrats with the policy space to continue the policies from the previous administration and not to divert radically from previous economic policies. The stability of the economic institutions provided a refuge in the period of uncertainty. As a result, the foreign economic relations of the Philippines has not radically shifted. The trade and investment situation of the Philippines remained stable, and economic relations with traditional partners are maintained.


2020 ◽  
pp. 73-86
Author(s):  
Marcin Rachwał

The article addresses the issue of voter turnout at the national level in Poland in 1990–2019. In particular, the author focused on 2019, when the turnout in parliamentary elections was the highest throughout the period under analysis. The aim of the study is to determine the reasons for this increase in the electoral activity of Polish citizens. The analysis leads to the conclusion that after the Law and Justice party took power in 2015, significant modifications of the social system, including the political system, ensued, thereby altering selected features of the electoral situation and raising the level of political emotions. The outcome involved a significant increase in voter turnout in 2019, when the elections to the European Parliament, as well as to the Polish parliament (the Sejm and Senate) were held. The study employs the following methods: analysis and criticism of literature (sources), the systemic method, and statistical methods.


2020 ◽  
pp. 111-121
Author(s):  
Nickolay Sazhenov ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of Loya Jirga’s role and place in the political system of modern Afghanistan. General information about Jirgas in Afghanistan is provided because this institution replicates similar traditional tribal bodies on the national level. The author describes four possible types of Jirga in terms of participants and territorial coverage. Special attention is given to the analysis of constitutional rules which determine the powers of the Loya Jirga and its status in the political system of post-Taliban Afghanistan. Moreover, the author provides a brief characteristic of all the Loya Jirgas which have been organized since the overthrow of the Taliban regime. The article shows that in modern Afghanistan none of the convened Loya Jirgas have complied with the relevant constitutional rules. According to the Constitution of Afghanistan, the Loya Jirga must include “presidents of the provincial as well as district assemblies”. But this provision cannot be respected due to some difficulties in the conduct of elections in provinces and districts. That is why four Loya Jirgas, convened after the adoption of the Constitution in 2004, were called “consultative” or “traditional”. The issue of Loya Jirga’s legitimacy is also remaining relevant now. Apparently, Loya Jirga’s status in the political system of Afghanistan will remain the same in the short term. In conclusion, the author proposes two options for modern Afghanistan, when the Loya Jirga may be convened. The first one touches upon the issue of adoption of a hypothetical peace agreement with the Taliban and the second variant implies the convening of the Pashtun tribes jirga in the region of AfghanPakistani border to discuss vital issues.


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