Socialism, Restraint, and Public Policy: Observations on Recent Canadian LiteratureRESTRAINING THE ECONOMY: SOCIAL CREDIT ECONOMIC POLICIES FOR B.C. IN THE EIGHTIES. Robert C. Allen and Gideon Rosenbluth, eds. Vancouver: B.C. Economic Policy Institute and New Star Books, 1986. 320 pp.AFTER BENNETT: A NEW POLITICS FOR BRITISH COLUMBIA. Warren Magnusson, R.B.J. Walker, Charles Doyle, and John Demarco, eds. Vancouver: New Star Books, 1986. 429 pp.INDUSTRIAL INNOVATION: ITS PLACE IN THE PUBLIC POLICY AGENDA. Kristian S. Palda. Vancouver: The Fraser Institute, 1984. 211 pp.CANADA, WHAT’S LEFT?: A NEW SOCIAL CONTRACT PRO AND CON. John Richards and Don Kerr, eds. Edmonton: Ne West Press, 1986. 204 pp.REGIONAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: CANADA’S SEARCH FOR SOLUTIONS. Donald J. Savoie. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986. 212 pp.

1987 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 134-143
Author(s):  
Allan Tupper
2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 1498-1512
Author(s):  
Ana Cláudia Niedhardt Capella

Abstract This article aims to present a brief reflection on the studies in the field of the public policy agenda. To this end, the text presents the main theoretical and methodological developments on the subject found in the international literature, with an emphasis on three fundamental contributions: the studies developed by Cobb and Elder in the 1970s; John Kingdon’s multiple streams model in the 1980s; and Baumgartner and Jones’ propositions from the 1990s until the present. Next, we seek to understand how policy agenda-setting studies have been developed in Brazil. To do so, we conduct a mapping of the Brazilian academic production, considering theses, dissertations, and articles published in journals between 2000 and 2018. In conclusion, we note the growing expansion of agenda studies in Brazil, and we draw attention to some of the characteristics of these works, such as the preferred policy areas and the theoretical and methodological frameworks favored by researchers, among other aspects.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (Supplement_2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Carênina Albuquerque Ximenes ◽  
Ana Angélica Mathias Macedo ◽  
João José Joaquim ◽  
Marta Vasconcelos Pinto ◽  
Fernando Mendes

Abstract Background The SARS-CoV-2 pandemic imposed challenges to researchers and governments in proposing political strategies to contain the transmission chain. Despite being an issue of global impact, the public policy strategies in fighting this pandemic depend on each country. This scenario demands studies to describe and explore these policies' institutionality. In this context, a question raises on how the biggest economies of the Portuguese language, Brazil and Portugal, have conducted the public policy agenda against the pandemic. Methods A comparative, qualitative, and descriptive study of the public policy agenda setting in Brazil and Portugal to fight against the pandemic was conducted through bibliographic and document research. The theoretical axis adopted was the Institutional Economy and the elaborations and management of public policy, mainly Douglas North, Geoffrey M. Hodgson, and Amatya Sen’s studies. Results The combat against the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic was translated in a search for urgency analytical theories, elaboration, implementation, and evaluation of public policies in Brazil and Portugal. In both countries, social restriction strategies were adopted such as closing public places, stores, and schools. Also, some economic actions were established to mitigate these restrictions’ impacts, more limited in Brazil as a neoliberal picture of the current government. Conclusions The results pointed to differences and similarities in Portuguese and Brazilian agendas, especially with the virus transmission mitigating strategies and the social and economic assistance, being Brazil suffering from the negationism culture that promoted contagion and mortality acceleration.


1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 507-511 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim Quaile Hill ◽  
Patricia A. Hurley

In recent research Verba and Nie and Hansen have provided systematic evidence on the positive effects of mass participation on other aspects of the public policy process. Specifically, Verba and Nie demonstrated that for data on American communities, a curvilinear relationship exists between the level of mass political participation and the extent of elite-mass agreement on ‘policy agenda’ items. The effect of this relationship is such that the highest agreement, or ‘attitude concurrence’, is found in those communities with the highest levels of participation. Working with the same data, Hansen3 showed that the competitiveness of elections also influences concurrence independently and that there was an interaction effect of participation and competition on policy-agenda agreement. The interaction was such that attitude concurrence was highest in communities with especially high levels of both participation and competition.


Author(s):  
Valentin K. POSPELOV ◽  
Valentina N. MIRONOVA ◽  
Petr I. CHUVAKHIN

China's economic policies were transformed during the reform period that started in 1979, when the most populated country in the world adopted market-based reforms. Currently, China not only has grown to become the second largest and mid income economy in the world from one of the world's poorest countries, but also actively advances the free trade policy and fills the developing niches, although the latter has caused some concerns. The Chines active economic policy along with its economic and political strengthening in addition to the tensions with the United States rise the question whether the Chinese economic policy should be resisted? This paper analyses the different aspects of China’s economic policy and intents to answer the question based on the importance of the Chinese role in the world economy and development while the public opinion toward China’s economic strengthening has been considered as well.


2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-360
Author(s):  
István Csillag

AbstractThere is a sharp contradiction between the economic performance of the Hungarian government of Victor Orbán and the institutional framework (toolkit) by which the seemingly stellar performance of the Hungarian economy has been achieved. It looks like as if the economic playground of the government (disciplined fiscal policy, unorthodox monetary policy and contradictory institutional system) and political-institutional order built by the same government during the last ten years, represent two different worlds. This paper provides a possible explanation to resolve this contradiction by identifying reversed relationship between tools and goals of economic policies. The genuine, hidden but most important goal of the present Hungarian government is to make Orbán and his political family wealthy and make their enrichment legitimate. In disguise of a public policy to achieve this (private, personal) goal, this government needs absolute and uncontrolled power certified by the scenery of the parliamentarian democracy. This private effort should be falsified, which could be achieved if his government pretends that it wants to pursue a disciplined economic policy.


First Monday ◽  
2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sacha Sacha Wunsch–Vincent ◽  
Taylor Reynolds ◽  
Andrew Wyckoff

The debate on “openness” has tended to focus on standard setting, software copyrights, patent policy and collaborative innovation models – large issues that evoke heated debates that take on a quasi–religious dimension. As these issues start to enter onto the mainstream public policy agenda of many countries, moving these ideas from punditry to policies is not obvious. But openness also manifests itself in less visible, more tractable issues such as open access to infrastructure, scientific research and use of public data and information — fundamental elements of “cyberinfrastructure.” While perhaps less visible in the public debate, these elements provide lessons on how to implement openness into public policy and outline an ecology for supporting openness. Our experience reveals that it is important to break down the issues into practical elements that bureaucracies can implement, where metrics can be devised that allow dispassionate economic analysis, where divisive issues can be isolated, and where the stakeholders are not so diverse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-173
Author(s):  
David Irwin ◽  
Njeri Kiereini

AbstractMany scholars argue that the media can influence policymakers – determining the policy agenda, framing issues, prioritising issues and, on occasion, setting the policy as well. It could be, however, that skilled policymakers exploit the media, so that the media in fact reflects the issues that policymakers want debated. This then poses an important question of whether the media does indeed influence the public policy process. The topic of media influence is widely studied in consolidated democracies but there has been limited research in consolidating democracies. This paper addresses both of these gaps – through exploring the extent to which the media influences policymakers in Kenya, a country perceived to have a moderately free press and one in which a range of interest groups vie to influence government and thus with a media likely to carry a range of competing opinions.


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