scholarly journals Islamic Civil Society in Indonesia: Analysis of the Accommodative Politics during the Soeharto New Order Regime

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heri Kusmanto ◽  
Mif Rohim Noyo Sarkun

This article briefly discusses the accommodative politic of Indonesia's Islamic civil society from the perspective of ideological background, society and role point of views during the period of New Order regime. During that time, Muslims was the group of societies that mostly experienced suppressions by the regime. To keep their existence, the Islamic civil society used a political approach that was accommodative to encounter the regime’s policy and diffuse within the government. Surprisingly, this ideological politic remained useful and grew during the New Order regime period, leading the main element in triggering the democratization process. The findings of this study show that the peoples’ social background and level of understanding on ideology, politic and sociological reality contributed to the effectiveness of the accommodative politic implementation. Furthermore, the Islamic society played a vital role as “driving” force in the democratization process in Indonesia, indicating that Islamic ideology is apparently in agreement with Democracy

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heri Kusmanto ◽  
Mif Rohim Noyo Sarkun

This article briefly discusses the accommodative politic of Indonesia's Islamic civil society from the perspective of ideological background, society and role point of views during the period of New Order regime. During that time, Muslims was the group of societies that mostly experienced suppressions by the regime. To keep their existence, the Islamic civil society used a political approach that was accommodative to encounter the regime’s policy and diffuse within the government. Surprisingly, this ideological politic remained useful and grew during the New Order regime period, leading the main element in triggering the democratization process. The findings of this study show that the peoples’ social background and level of understanding on ideology, politic and sociological reality contributed to the effectiveness of the accommodative politic implementation. Furthermore, the Islamic society played a vital role as “driving” force in the democratization process in Indonesia, indicating that Islamic ideology is apparently in agreement with Democracy


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-132
Author(s):  
Mukhlis Rahmanto ◽  
Mohammad Syifa Amin Widigdo ◽  
Rozikan .

Purpose of the study:This article aims to examine critically the roles of Muhammadiyah as one of the largest Islamic civil organizations in Indonesia in interpreting and praticing Islamic normative values, especially with regard to the empowerment of civil society after the fall of President Suharto’s New Order political regime in 1998. Methodology:This study applies qualitative approach and descriptive analysis that aims to critically describe the roles of Muhammdiyah through its department of Majelis Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (abbreviated as: MPM) in interpreting and practicing Islamic values in the relation of civil society empowerment in the post Soeharto’s New Order regime era. Data is gathered from observation, interview with the MPM leaders, and document analysis. Other previous studies which are also included as the main sources of the study are conducted by Prijono (1996) and Harmsen (2008). Main Findings and Novelty:The analysis produces some important findings: first, some of normative doctrines of Islam on the issue of society empowerment are reinterpreted. The resulted interpretation is different from classical interpretation and interpretive experiences in other Muslim world. The new interpretation focuses on Sūrah al-Māʿūn of the Qur’an (and some other related verses) and uses such interpretation as a theological ground and spirit for implementing societal empowerment visions and works. Second, the empowerment roles of Muhammadiyah through the Council (i.e. MPM) affirms the theory of civil society in Indonesia, which becomes a strategic partner of the government, whose development program fails engender social welfare and prosperity. Applications of this study: This study can be useful formanyinterdiscipliner area such civil society, civil empowerment, sociology, and Islamic Studies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ágnes Kövér

Abstract COVID-19 created an extraordinary social situation in which governments struggle to mitigate the harmful consequences of the pandemic. Challenging times show a society’s resilience and capacity for solidarity and cohesion, the government’s ability to deal with emergencies effectively, the stability and inclusiveness of political systems, and their aptitude to respect democratic values. It is particularly important to examine this period from the point of view of civil society and civil society organizations (CSOs), since civil society plays a pivotal role in the alleviation and dissipation of societal troubles associated with the epidemic, indeed a vital role in curbing the virus. The civil sector’s strength and resilience too is tested. As the studies in this Special Issue show, exploiting the potential of civil society was an option that only some countries have been able to seize - as a result of which they have effectively reduced the consequences of the calamity while increasing a sense of solidarity and belonging in their societies. Others, however, failed to recognize the importance of civil society and interpreted the situation as a “single-actor play on stage”. Neither solidarity nor cohesion play out as values in these latter cases; instead the single actor – government – grabs the opportunity to play the role of the heroic savior and the exclusive problem solver, grabbing for itself both symbolic gains and increasing concentration of power. Citizens are expected to trust no one or no organization except the charismatic leader (or party). Thereby is forged a vertical and hierarchical chain of control, rather than a horizontally linked network of trust and cooperation. The studies and commentaries in this issue cover nine countries located on an imaginary line beginning in the United Kingdom, and extending through Germany, Austria, Hungary, Turkey, Israel, India, China and South Korea, representing various socio-political and economic systems. Embedded in elaborated theoretical understandings, this introductory essay examines the research articles of this Special Issue in which authors unfold the dynamics of CSO-government relations in the context of the world pandemic. These accounts sharpen our understanding of the preexisting shape of government–CSO relations. The introduction places the countries on a scale which classifies them according to the characteristics of civil society–government relations unfolding during the pandemic. One of the endpoints is represented by those countries where the CSO’s creative and constructive responses to the social challenges were prevented or blocked by the government. In this setup, CSOs were ignored at best, and restrictions undercut their abilities to contribute to the process of mitigating the pandemic and its consequences. Meanwhile, at the opposite end of this scale, are countries where the government, both central and local, invited civil society partners in the response to COVID-19, orchestrated high-quality and multilevel cross-sectoral cooperation, and provided partners with the necessary (financial) resources. In those cases, CSOs were empowered effectively to participate in a process designed to address the epidemic and its consequences in accordance with principles of participatory democracy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Diah Irawaty

<p>As a political control over women to enforce them to follow state’s narrative of ideal women, the New Order regime produced and applied two contradictory forms of gender politics. On the one hand, Soeharto campaigned for state maternalism that promotes fulltime women’s role in domestic sphere. These women were claimed to be the pillar of the nation. On the other hand, the government endorsed the politics of developmentalism that carried out women in development and enforced women’s participation in the national development agendas. Women were encouraged to leave their homes and abandon their families. How was this contradictory<br />gender politics produced, reproduced and applied toward female domestic workers? What were social-political contexts behind the deployment of this political approach? What are the implications of this politics to the situations of women’s domestic workers?</p>


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-50
Author(s):  
Hilman Latief

This article explores the origin and development of the ideas and practice of zakat (Islamic tax) on salary and identifies how it affects the nature of zakat practice in contemporary Indonesia. The recent trend suggests that Indonesian Muslims are attempting to translate and reinterpret the Islamic concept of social justice by utilizing zakat on salary (zakat profesi) as a discursive center. Despite the fact that this has been the subject of heated debate among Muslim scholars since the 1980s, the Indonesian state has attempted to make its payment mandatory by enacting zakat regulations at both the provincial and district levels. This new phenomenon is stimulating new debates among the country’s Islamic scholars over the legality, from a jurisprudential aspect, of imposing zakat regulations on civil servants. Some believe that zakat practice has been precisely prescribed in the Qur’an and Sunnah and thus such an “innovation” is not necessary; others consider zakat to belong to that part of the Islamic ethical and economic system that is open to reinterpretation and innovation. Disagreement among Islamic scholars, competition between civil society organizations and state agencies, and tension between the government (political authorities) as a policymaker and people at the grassroots level are indications of how almsgiving is contested in democratic Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Curtis Richardson

This essay explores the emergence of civil society in Imperial Russia in the 1840s and 1850s through an analysis of the role of the public in the preparation for the emancipation of the serfs before the government made the commitment to manumit the serfs. To do so, the essay considers the role of the Westerners, specifically one of the leading Westerners, the legal historian Konstantin Kavelin, from archetypical abstract thinker into political activist within the circumscribed parameters of autocracy in Imperial Russia. Kavelin and his allies, both within and without the bureaucracy, developed reform programs in the harsh years in Russia from 1848 until 1855 in the hope that a time more propitious for reform would come thereby enabling them to act in concert with the government. The Westerners played a vital role in providing the necessary intellectual underpinnings for the Great Reforms, in disseminating these ideas to the public, and in working closely with reformist bureaucrats in their specific preparations. Kavelin‘s efforts, primarily his proposed drafts and contacts, proved pivotal in facilitating the emancipation preparations that led to the legislation and implementation of the reform. This preparatory work of the late 1840s and 1850s bore fruit when the Russian state emancipated the serfs in 1861. The aspirations for a partnership with the government however failed to materialize.


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-50
Author(s):  
Hilman Latief

This article explores the origin and development of the ideas and practice of zakat (Islamic tax) on salary and identifies how it affects the nature of zakat practice in contemporary Indonesia. The recent trend suggests that Indonesian Muslims are attempting to translate and reinterpret the Islamic concept of social justice by utilizing zakat on salary (zakat profesi) as a discursive center. Despite the fact that this has been the subject of heated debate among Muslim scholars since the 1980s, the Indonesian state has attempted to make its payment mandatory by enacting zakat regulations at both the provincial and district levels. This new phenomenon is stimulating new debates among the country’s Islamic scholars over the legality, from a jurisprudential aspect, of imposing zakat regulations on civil servants. Some believe that zakat practice has been precisely prescribed in the Qur’an and Sunnah and thus such an “innovation” is not necessary; others consider zakat to belong to that part of the Islamic ethical and economic system that is open to reinterpretation and innovation. Disagreement among Islamic scholars, competition between civil society organizations and state agencies, and tension between the government (political authorities) as a policymaker and people at the grassroots level are indications of how almsgiving is contested in democratic Indonesia.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-424
Author(s):  
Jamaluddin Jamaluddin

Indonesian reformation era begins with the fall of President Suharto. Political transition and democratic transition impact in the religious life. Therefore, understandably, when the politic transition is not yet fully reflects the idealized conditions. In addition to the old paradigm that is still attached to the brain of policy makers, various policies to mirror the complexity of stuttering ruler to answer the challenges of religious life. This challenge cannot be separated from the hegemonic legacy of the past, including the politicization of SARA. Hegemony that took place during the New Order period, adversely affected the subsequent transition period. It seems among other things, with airings various conflicts nuances SARA previously muted, forced repressive. SARA issues arise as a result of the narrowing of the accommodation space of the nation state during the New Order regime. The New Order regime has reduced the definition of nation-states is only part of a group of people loyal to the government to deny the diversity of socio-cultural reality in it. To handle the inheritance, every regime in the reform era responds with a pattern and a different approach. It must be realized, that the post-reform era, Indonesia has had four changes of government. The leaders of every regime in the reform era have a different background and thus also have a vision that is different in treating the problem of racial intolerance, particularly against religious aspect. This treatment causes the accomplishment difference each different regimes of dealing with the diversity of race, religion and class that has become the hallmark of Indonesian society.


ALQALAM ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Joko Priyanto

Religion Blasphemy addressed to Jakarta Governor who is also a candidate for Jakarta Governor Election 2017 is the beginning of a series of polemic along process of Jakarta Governor Election 2017. This case triggers friction between Islamic society as a civil society and government as authority. This research explored this case by using theory of power relations Foucault. The result shows that the mass movement of Islamic society is power from Islamic society knowledge. Power structure tries to discipline this movement by hegemony in form of discourse. However, hegemonic discourse from civil society (Islamic society) also tries to challenge. The fight of hegemonic in form of discourse becomes so viral in all media, element and institution. This research shows that the discourse of Leader and Diversity is a signifier empty which be contestation of giving meaning.   Keywords: knowledge, power, Foucoult, religion.


Author(s):  
Necati Polat

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document