scholarly journals Person marking in Catalan Sign Language (LSC) personal pronouns

Author(s):  
Raquel Veiga Busto
2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meltem Kelepir ◽  
Aslı Özkul ◽  
Elvan Tamyürek Özparlak

Abstract This paper investigates agent-backgrounding constructions in Turkish Sign Language (TİD). TİD displays many of the agent-backgrounding strategies reported in the literature that signed (and spoken) languages employ (Barberà & Cabredo Hofherr, this volume). Use of non-specific indefinite pronominals is a major strategy, and this paper is the first study that identifies these forms in TİD. Moreover, we show that TİD has ways of marking clusivity distinctions of indefinite arguments, and has a special sign that derives exclusive indefinite pronominals, other. We argue that (i) whereas lateral-high R-locus is unambiguously associated with non-specificity, non-high (lateral and central) loci are underspecified in terms of specificity; (ii) the R-locus of indefinite arguments observed in agent-backgrounding contexts in TİD consists of two spatial features [+high] and [+lateral] which express non-specificity and exclusivity. This study further shows that clusivity, usually associated with personal pronouns, must be extended to indefinite pronouns.


Author(s):  
Daniel Abondolo

All but three of the thirty-nine Uralic languages are endangered, most of them seriously so; of the family’s ten main branches, only two have members considered safe (Finnish and Estonian of the Fennic branch, plus Hungarian). This chapter surveys a selection of phonological, morphological, and syntactic features of the Uralic languages; the emphasis is on presenting aspects that are usually ignored, oversimplified, or misrepresented. Among the topics broached are vowel harmony; consonant gradation, which in the Uralic context is of four distinct kinds, three of them quite old; less-than-agglutinative (i.e. fairly fusional features of several languages); problems of phonological reconstruction; the inflection of personal pronouns; person marking on nouns and Subject, Agent, and Object marking on verbs; and kinds of relative, complement, and support clauses.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Sze ◽  
Gladys Tang

Abstract This paper discusses R-impersonals in Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL). As evidenced in our questionnaire and conversation data, R-impersonals in HKSL typically make use of null forms, the non-specific indefinite determiner (i.e., onedet-path (someone)/onedet-path (anyone)), distinguished by non-manual markers), and, occasionally, the Chinese character sign human/person. HKSL does not show impersonal uses of personal pronouns (e.g., they, you) which are commonly found in spoken languages. The nominal strategies are determined by the contexts and the referential properties of the impersonal referents, and they differ in the use of space in representing the impersonal referents in subsequent discourse. R-impersonal referents encoded by onedet-path (someone)/onedet-path (anyone) are associated with an area of the upper part of the ipsilateral side of the signing space, but they can still be assigned to a specific locus if the subsequent discourse requires locative information. Impersonal referents introduced by null forms or the Chinese character sign human/person are typically not spatially anchored.


Author(s):  
Yangyang Li

<p>Abnormal use of personal pronouns is an important feature of autistic children's oral development. After comparing autistic deaf children with autistic children and deaf children respectively, it is found that pronoun avoidance also exists in the sign language development of autistic deaf children, but pronoun reversal rarely occurs. In pronoun avoidance, the sign language performance of autistic deaf children is more similar to that of autistic children than deaf children, which is more likely to be due to autistic children's own disorders than differences in language forms.  Different from autistic children and deaf children, autistic deaf children have their own unique performance in pronoun reversal: palm reversal. The reason may be that the disorder of personal pronoun reversal in autistic children may have different performance due to differences in language forms.</p>


2009 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-63
Author(s):  
Kenneth Shields

Typological Assessment of Reconstruction: Did Indo-European Have Inclusive and Exclusive First Person Plural Personal Pronouns?This brief article attempts to apply current typological theory about the structure of person-marking paradigms to reconstructions of early Indo-European personal pronoun declension and early Indo-European verbal conjugation in order to determine whether or not such application can shed light on the traditional debate about whether or not an inclusive/exclusive opposition can be ascribed to the protolanguage. Despite the demonstrated positive value of typology in assessing the plausibility of reconstructions, the conclusion reached here is that current typological theory is very limited in its ability to resolve this particular issue of historical/comparative Indo-European linguistics.


Author(s):  
Yangyang Li

<p>Abnormal use of personal pronouns is an important feature of autistic children's oral development. After comparing autistic deaf children with autistic children and deaf children respectively, it is found that pronoun avoidance also exists in the sign language development of autistic deaf children, but pronoun reversal rarely occurs. In pronoun avoidance, the sign language performance of autistic deaf children is more similar to that of autistic children than deaf children, which is more likely to be due to autistic children's own disorders than differences in language forms.  Different from autistic children and deaf children, autistic deaf children have their own unique performance in pronoun reversal: palm reversal. The reason may be that the disorder of personal pronoun reversal in autistic children may have different performance due to differences in language forms.</p>


2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronnie B. Wilbur

This paper reconsiders arguments suggesting that sign language analyses must proceed differently to take into account their gestural, iconic origins. Lillo-Martin & Meier (2011) argue that agreement is ‘person marking’, shown by directionality. Liddell (2003, 2011) argues that directional verbs move between locations associated with referents; given an infinite number of points, the forms of these verbs are unlistable, and therefore just gestural indicating; he claims that this makes sign languages different from spoken languages, a position that I will argue against. In their response, Lillo-Martin & Meier then agree that real-world referent locations are not part of grammar, so language must interface closely with the gestural system. In contrast, Quer (2011) argues that Liddell’s reasoning is flawed. I will present evidence to agree with Quer and argue that the linguistic discussion was prematurely derailed by noting the recent alternate analysis offered by Gökgöz (2013). There may well be a role for visual iconicity in relation to sign language structure, as demonstrated by Schlenker (2013a,b), but unless we pursue linguistic analysis further, we will never get a clear understanding of what that role is.


2002 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norine Berenz

Widely accepted analyses of personal pronouns in sign languages present systems that differ in a crucial way from pronominal systems in oral languages and violate linguistic universals proposed by Benveniste, Bühler, Lyons, and others. These analyses argue that the two necessary conversational roles — sender and recipient — are not grammaticized in first and second person pronouns, respectively. This paper presents findings of a detailed analysis of pronominal reference in video-recorded, naturally occurring Brazilian Sign Language conversations which show consistent pairings of form and meaning. On this basis, I argue that the LSB personal pronoun system encodes the two necessary conversational roles. A re-examination of several ASL examples provides additional evidence. I conclude that, in LSB and ASL personal pronouns, space is only epiphenomenal, an idea first articulated by Padden (1990:118).


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria-José Ezeizabarrena

This study focuses on person marking in early Basque and other null subject languages. From very early on, person marking on the verb and quite regular, adult-like, null subject rates are attested across early acquisition studies on genetically related and unrelated pro-drop languages. We survey several studies on bilingual children simultaneously acquiring two languages with the opposite value for the pro-drop parameter. The conclusion drawn is that children display a monolingual-like pattern in the production of person marking, overt subjects, and personal pronouns in the null subject language, whereas, in the non-null subject language, bilinguals evidence delayed target person marking and overt subject production. These data are compatible with the view that children correctly set the default parametric value at early stages and separate the languages being acquired. However, it is argued that accounts based on the lexical learning of features in the functional category T(ense) may better account for the crosslinguistic data. Moreover, the accuracy observed in overt person inflection production leads to the proposal that (the spelling out of) the [person] or [D] feature in T(ense) is the first subject feature available to the language acquirer, previous to other candidates such as number or case.


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