scholarly journals Material Support of the Soviet Regional Party-Political Elite during the 1960s-1980s (by the Materials of Orenburg Oblast)

Manuscript ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1806-1810
Author(s):  
Andrei Viktorovich Pakhomov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
Material Support ◽  
Orenburg Oblast ◽  
The 1960S

scholarly journals Ideas of Homeland and Politics of Space: A Study of ‘Muslim Localities’ of Delhi

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nazima Parveen
Keyword(s):  
Urban Space ◽  
English Language ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Binary Opposition ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Politics Of Space ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Communal Space

<p>The thesis investigates community-space relationship in colonial and post-colonial Delhi. Examining the process of identification, demarcation, organization and/or re-organization of space on the basis of religious demographics, the study questions the dominant imagination of ‘Muslim space’ as an objective, homogenous and permanent category. The research relies on extensive use of archival sources from national and local government, Urdu, Hindi and English-language newspaper reports and oral history interviews. The thesis particularly focuses on Shahjahanabad, that later became Old Delhi, to trace the story of the gradual transformation of caste/craft based shared community spaces into religion based ‘segregated’ pockets during the period of 1940-1977.  The study argues that the notion of communal space in Delhi is a product of a long historical process. The discourse of homeland and the realities of Partition not only demarcated space on religious lines but also established the notion of ‘Muslim dominated areas’ as being ‘exclusionary’ and ‘contested’ zones. These localities turned out to be those pockets where the dominant ideas of nation had to be engineered, materialized and practiced. Consequently, these localities were looked at differently over the period: in the 1940s, as ‘Muslim dominated’ areas that were to be administered for the sake of communal peace; in the 1950s, as ‘Muslim zones’ that needed to be ‘protected’; in the 1960s, as ‘isolated’ unhygienic cultural pockets that were to be cleaned and Indianized; and in the 1970s, as locations of ‘internal threat’ – the ‘Mini Pakistan(s)’ - that were to be dismantled.  The thesis starts with colonial Delhi where codification of cow slaughter practices; the demarcation of routes of religious processions; and the sectarian identification of residential wards, defined residential space and more specifically the electoral constituencies as ‘Hindu dominated’, ‘Muslim dominated’ or ‘mixed’ areas. The legal and administrative vocabulary that was deployed to establish such community-centric claims and counter-claims on urban space by political elite in the 1940s illuminates the ways in which a discourse of ‘homeland’ was gradually emerging in colonial and early post-colonial periods.  The thesis then moves on to the post-Partition period and explains the ways in which parallel imaginations of homeland, specifically the reconfigured idea of ‘Pakistan’, produced new imageries of communal space. It discusses the debates around ‘Muslim zones’, Muslim ‘refugee camps’ and ‘evacuee’ properties to unpack the issues of belongingness and identity of Delhi’s Muslims that termed Muslim dominated areas as ‘communally sensitive’ in the 1950s.  The thesis then explores the controversies around meat practice (its production, sale and consumption) in the 1960s -– to understand how an economic activity of slaughtering animals was turned into a ‘Muslim’ practice and placed in a binary opposition to selective Brahmanical vegetarianism claimed to be ‘Hindu’/ ‘Indian’ sensibilities. The consequent politics of space around Idgah slaughter-house, meat shops and the locality of Qasabpura is investigated to make sense of the contest over Muslim localities.  Finally, the ‘operation urbanization’ of the 1970s focusing on the re-organization of city space and communities through redevelopment, resettlement and population control is scrutinized. The thesis examines local politics and administrative policies to see how the authorities zeroed in to end Muslim ‘segregation’ through forced clearance and sterilization in Jama Masjid and Turkman Gate areas during the National Emergency (1975-77).  The study thus seeks to show that ‘Muslim localities’ are discursively constituted political entities that may or may not correspond to the actual demographic configuration of any administrative urban unit.</p>

scholarly journals Ideas of Homeland and Politics of Space: A Study of ‘Muslim Localities’ of Delhi

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nazima Parveen
Keyword(s):  
Urban Space ◽  
English Language ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Binary Opposition ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Politics Of Space ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Communal Space

<p>The thesis investigates community-space relationship in colonial and post-colonial Delhi. Examining the process of identification, demarcation, organization and/or re-organization of space on the basis of religious demographics, the study questions the dominant imagination of ‘Muslim space’ as an objective, homogenous and permanent category. The research relies on extensive use of archival sources from national and local government, Urdu, Hindi and English-language newspaper reports and oral history interviews. The thesis particularly focuses on Shahjahanabad, that later became Old Delhi, to trace the story of the gradual transformation of caste/craft based shared community spaces into religion based ‘segregated’ pockets during the period of 1940-1977.  The study argues that the notion of communal space in Delhi is a product of a long historical process. The discourse of homeland and the realities of Partition not only demarcated space on religious lines but also established the notion of ‘Muslim dominated areas’ as being ‘exclusionary’ and ‘contested’ zones. These localities turned out to be those pockets where the dominant ideas of nation had to be engineered, materialized and practiced. Consequently, these localities were looked at differently over the period: in the 1940s, as ‘Muslim dominated’ areas that were to be administered for the sake of communal peace; in the 1950s, as ‘Muslim zones’ that needed to be ‘protected’; in the 1960s, as ‘isolated’ unhygienic cultural pockets that were to be cleaned and Indianized; and in the 1970s, as locations of ‘internal threat’ – the ‘Mini Pakistan(s)’ - that were to be dismantled.  The thesis starts with colonial Delhi where codification of cow slaughter practices; the demarcation of routes of religious processions; and the sectarian identification of residential wards, defined residential space and more specifically the electoral constituencies as ‘Hindu dominated’, ‘Muslim dominated’ or ‘mixed’ areas. The legal and administrative vocabulary that was deployed to establish such community-centric claims and counter-claims on urban space by political elite in the 1940s illuminates the ways in which a discourse of ‘homeland’ was gradually emerging in colonial and early post-colonial periods.  The thesis then moves on to the post-Partition period and explains the ways in which parallel imaginations of homeland, specifically the reconfigured idea of ‘Pakistan’, produced new imageries of communal space. It discusses the debates around ‘Muslim zones’, Muslim ‘refugee camps’ and ‘evacuee’ properties to unpack the issues of belongingness and identity of Delhi’s Muslims that termed Muslim dominated areas as ‘communally sensitive’ in the 1950s.  The thesis then explores the controversies around meat practice (its production, sale and consumption) in the 1960s -– to understand how an economic activity of slaughtering animals was turned into a ‘Muslim’ practice and placed in a binary opposition to selective Brahmanical vegetarianism claimed to be ‘Hindu’/ ‘Indian’ sensibilities. The consequent politics of space around Idgah slaughter-house, meat shops and the locality of Qasabpura is investigated to make sense of the contest over Muslim localities.  Finally, the ‘operation urbanization’ of the 1970s focusing on the re-organization of city space and communities through redevelopment, resettlement and population control is scrutinized. The thesis examines local politics and administrative policies to see how the authorities zeroed in to end Muslim ‘segregation’ through forced clearance and sterilization in Jama Masjid and Turkman Gate areas during the National Emergency (1975-77).  The study thus seeks to show that ‘Muslim localities’ are discursively constituted political entities that may or may not correspond to the actual demographic configuration of any administrative urban unit.</p>

scholarly journals The Problem of The Regional Party-Political Elite in Soviet Russia: Historical and Political Analysis

wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 104-115
Author(s):  
Alexander KHUDOBORODOV ◽  
Nadezhda KORSHUNOVA ◽  
Anna SAMOKHINA
Keyword(s):  
Social Process ◽  
Management Training ◽  
Southern Urals ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
The Southern Urals ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Chelyabinsk Region

In this article, the authors investigate the party–political elite of the Chelyabinsk region in the 1960s – 1980s. At the expense of the most qualified and competent representatives of the political elite of the Southern Urals, the leading cadres of the authorities of the USSR and the RSFSR were formed. This gives particular importance to this region in the field of management training. In 2020, in the light of the latest events related to the pandemic of the new coronavirus infection COVID-19, political scientists and journalists in many democratic countries predict a return to the socialist model of government with a fairly strong role of the state. As a result, it becomes especially relevant to study the general laws and regional specifics of the socialist model of the formation of the ruling elite, its composition, the laws of its functioning, coming to power, its role in the social process, the reasons for its degradation and leaving the historical arena.

scholarly journals The Albanians in Yugoslavia from the late 1960s to the early 1980s

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 130-145
Author(s):  
Mariyana Stamova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Leadership ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Albanian Population ◽  
The 1960S

The paper focuses on the events after the Brioni plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY in 1966. The turning point for the development of the national relationships in the Yugoslav federation became namely the Brioni plenim. This plenum and its decisions led to a liberalization of the national relationships in Yugoslavia, thus to the outburst of the Albanian problem, which was severely suppressed to this moment. This is the first major victory for the Albanians in Yugoslavia. In this regard, a movement has begun among the Albanian population in the multinational federation with the main goal of achieving full national recognition, including republican status for Kosovo. This new policy towards the minorities in Yugoslavia was introduced after the middle of the 1960s. Its expression became the new constitutional definition of “Yugoslav peoples and ethnoses”, which had to substitute the term “national minorities”. That led to changes into the rights of Albanians in Yugoslavia, and as a result their socio-political activity drastically aroused. The Yugoslav party leadership started again to look for a solution of the Albanian issue. Significant Yugoslav financial aid and investments were directed towards Kosovo, aiming at a closer incorporation of the Albanians in the Yugoslav federation and an interruption of their connection with Albania. After the Brioni Plenum, the Albanian problem in the Yugoslav Federation entered a qualitatively new state. The events in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and the neighboring Republic of Macedonia at the end of 1968 played an important role in the further development of this problem and in the changes in the constitutional, legal and socio-political development of the Yugoslav Federation. So after the demonstrations of the Albanian population in Kosovo and Macedonia at the end of 1968, a “creeping Albanization” started in Kosovo. The Albanian political elite and intelligencia played the most important role in the imposition of the “Albanization” as a political line at the end of the 1960s. Albanians hold all important posts in administration, culture, education and political life of Kosovo. That led to an increasing mistrust between the Albanian population and the Serbian-Montenegrin minority, and the last was forced to leave its homes and to migrate in other republics and regions. The political leadership in Prishtina insisted the autonomous region to get equal rights with the republics as a federal unit. That is how at the beginning of the 1970s Kosovo issue transferred into a problem of the whole Yugoslav federation, not only a Serbian one. The Albanians in Prishtina were involved into the confrontation Zagreb-Belgrade and acquired a support from the Croatian side, as well as the Slovenian one in the efforts to take their problem out of Serbia and to put it on a federal level at the League Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The processes in the political life of the autonomous region Kosovo were not isolated and were connected with the events in the Yugoslav federation as a whole, and precisely in Croatia at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 70s, which culmination was so-called “Zagreb Spring” in 1971. The Croatian crisis had an important influence on the national relationships in the federation and led to an inflammation of the national disputes. That had a direct impact on the political life of Kosovo. Searching for allies against Serbian hegemony and unitarism, which were the main danger for the Croatian republic, Zagreb’s political leadership supported Kosovo pretensions for the extension of the autonomous rights and the freedoms of the Albanians. The amendments to the federal system of Yugoslavia (1968-1971) and the new Yugoslav constitution from 1974 are reflected in Kosovo, which makes the Albanian problem not only a problem of Serbia, but also a common Yugoslav problem.

scholarly journals CINEMATOGRAPHY OF THE PEOPLES OF THE NORTH CAUCASUS IN THE 1960s – 1980s: HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT .

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
И.Т. ЦОРИЕВА ◽  
I.T. TSORIEVA
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
The North ◽  
Feature Films ◽  
Television Documentary ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S

В статье на основе воспоминаний современников и архивных источников рассматри- вается история развития кинематографа в республиках Северного Кавказа в 1960-е — 1980-е гг. Подчеркивается, что создание телевизионного документального и игрового кино в регионе во многом было результатом национальной культурной политики. Вместе с тем, отмечается существенное влияние на становление киноискусства практики культурно- го патернализма, получившей распространение в среде местной политической элиты в изучаемый период, и значительный вклад руководителя Гостелерадио Северо-Осетинской АССР А. Т. Агузарова в создание региональной базы кинопроизводства на Северном Кавка- зе. Региональное киноискусство развивалось в рамках государственной программы «соци- ального заказа». Деятели кино решали конкретные задачи пропаганды советского образа жизни, воспитания людей в духе преданности социалистическим идеалам, патриотизма и интернационализма. Необходимость соблюдения идеологических, цензурных требований существенно ограничивала свободу творческого поиска, нередко приводила к схематизму, плакатности сюжетов и образов. Но в целом транслируемые северокавказским кинемато- графом гуманистические идеалы добра, справедливости, мирного сосуществования наро- дов перекликались с настроениями большинства многонационального населения региона и находили отклик в сердцах обычных людей. The article on the basis of the memories of the contemporaries and the archival data considers the history of the development of cinematography in the North Caucasus’ republics in the 1960s — 1980s. It highlights, that the creation of television documentary and feature films production in the region was largely a result of the national cultural policy. The practice of cultural paternalism common among political elite in the reviewed period had an essential impact on the development of cinematography, also of great significance was contribution of A. T. Aguzarov, then head of the State television and radio of North Ossetian ASSR, to the formation of a regional base of filmmaking in the North Caucasus. The regional film art was developed within the frame of the state program of «social request». Cinematography proponents solved definite tasks for propaganda of the Soviet way of life, of upbringing in the spirit of devotion to socialist ideals, patriotism and internationalism. The need to comply with ideological, censorial demands substantially limited the freedom of creative search, often led to schematism, «posterism» of subjects and images. However in general the humanistic ideas of goodness, fairness, peaceful coexistence of the peoples, transmitted by North Caucasian cinematography, resonated with the moods of the majority of the region’ multinational population and responded in the hearts of ordinary people.

scholarly journals Can the policy Francophonie be considered a manifestation of neocolonialism (on the example of foreign cultural strategy of France in the 1960s)

2021 ◽  
pp. 93-108
Author(s):  
Natalia Naumova ◽  
Irina Zinchenko
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Western World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Equality Sign ◽  
Technical Cooperation ◽  
African Countries ◽  
The 1960S

The subject of this research is the correlation between the policy of neocolonialism and Francophonie in the context of foreign cultural strategy of France in the 1960s. Decolonization forced France to relinquish direct colonial rule and shift towards the policy of &ldquo;cooperation&rdquo; on the basis of bilateral agreements with the developing countries, which regulated intergovernmental relations in various spheres. The idea of the universality of French language and cultural values underlied the Agency for Cultural and Technical Cooperation established in 1970. A crucial role in its establishment was played by the political leaders of African countries, who sought benefit from cooperation with France in terms of the development of young sovereign states. Despite this fact, the activity of Francophonie was the object of criticism, and by some researchers, considered a version of French post-colonialism. Analysis is conducted on different interpretations and approaches towards the terms &ldquo;neo-colonialism&rdquo; and &ldquo;Francophonie&rdquo;. The article employs the unpublished archival documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, which determines the scientific novelty. The authors conclude that the equality sign between neo-colonialism and Francophonie seems unreasoned, since the latter has improved the educational, cultural, scientific and technical standard of living in the young sovereign states, contributed to the establishment of their political and administrative and increase of authority on the world stage. The participation of the developing countries in the Agency for Cultural and Technical Cooperation and the leaders of the Western world &ndash; France and Canada &ndash; consolidated the authority and broadened the experience of the political elite of the third world countries. At the same time, there is no denying that de Gaulle sought to increase the international prestige of the Fifth Republic by strengthening the positions of France in the Francophone world.

In whose service? The 1960s’ Czechoslovak Sociologists and their Party

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 781-806 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Voříšek
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Czechoslovak Academy ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Material Support ◽  
The Social ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Academy Of Sciences ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This article examines the relationship between sociologists and the Communist Party headquarters in 1960 Czechoslovakia. It is based on the archives of the coordinating body of Czechoslovak sociology, the Scientific Board of Philosophy and Sociology at the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences. First, the article depicts the synergy between sociology and the powers: the research commissioned by the supreme Party bodies or the Party sponsorship of sociology’s institutionalization. However, instances of lacking material support to the discipline are noted as well. Second, the conflicts between social scientists and the Party headquarters are discussed: namely, the layoff of the philosopher Ivan Sviták in 1964 and the following interventions into the Institute of Philosophy. Finally, the article maps the demands for autonomy as formulated by the scholars in 1968. In concluding, it points to the fact that despite requesting independence from the Communist headquarters, the Marxist elite in the social sciences never abandoned their own claim to hegemony. They resisted both the challenge of non-Marxist scholars in 1968, and the spontaneous claims and complaints that might come from the society at large. In that respect, the sociology of the 1960s seems a perfect child of the Czechoslovak reformist movement.

The Marriage of Finance and Order: Changes in the Mexican Political Elite

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Angel Centeno ◽  
Sylvia Maxfield
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Government Bureaucracy ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The 1960S

Recent literature on Latin American political economy appears to echo work of the 1960s and 1970s emphasising technical expertise in government. Sikkink and Geddes, for example, suggest that the role of technical experts and professionalisation of the bureaucracy explain Brazil's relative economic successes in the 1960s.1 Conaghan, Malloy and Abugattas focus on the role of technocrats in economic policy—making in the Central Andes.2 Following seminal work by Camp and Smith, Hernández Rodríguez presents the latest data on the role of technocrats in the Mexican political elite.3 To a large extent, this recent literature on technocrats in Latin America fails to address one of the main issues debated in the earlier literature: the political consequences of increasingly technocratic government. A second problem with recent work is that, when it does address causal issues, it tends to follow the functionalist logic of earlier literature. Using data on Mexican political elites, this article develops a new typology which carefully differentiates the new technobureaucratic elite from other elite groups. The aim is to shed new light on the debate over the implications of increasing technocratisation. Secondly, this study of the rise of a new elite emphasises the role of institutional changes within the government bureaucracy in addition to the state's functional response to changes in its politico—economic environment. This article begins with a brief discussion of earlier general — and Mexico—specific — literature on technocrats.Some analysts of technocracy in the 1960s and 1970s saw technocrats as apolitical specialists whose growing role in society heralded ‘an end to ideology’ and increased efficiency in government.4

The Genesis and Internal Dynamics of El Salvador's People's Revolutionary Army, 1970–1976

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Internal Dynamics ◽  
Internal Coherence ◽  
The 1960S

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document