scholarly journals Regional Security Discourses in the Russian Federation

Manuscript ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 142-147
Author(s):  
Sergei Viktorovich Kononov ◽  
2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry Matznev ◽  
AV Medvedev ◽  
Dmitry Medvedev ◽  
Nina Mochalova ◽  
Evgeniy Georgievich Nikitenko ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 164 ◽  
pp. 09040
Author(s):  
Valentina Karginova-Gubinova ◽  
Anton Shcherbak ◽  
Sergey Tishkov

Financing capital-intensive projects in the green economy is possible through green bonds. The assessment of the economic efficiency of the green bond market, the determination of its role in ensuring the energy and economic security of the regions and the development of directions and instruments for improving the efficiency and significance of the market for the Russian Federation are the aim of the study. The methodology involved the determination of the autocorrelation presence in the calendar series of bond yields using the Broysch-Godfrey LM test, the application of applied statistics methods to verify the existence of calendar effects on the stock exchange and analyze market reviews. Data on the green bond market were compared with data on other bonds. Market performance calculations were based on the S&P Green Bond Index and S&P 500 Bond Index. Features and benefits of green bonds as an instrument to ensure regional security were identified. The lack of market efficiency for green and other bonds, even in a weak form, was shown. The necessary institutional changes to improve the efficiency of the green bond market and develop it in the Russian Federation have been proposed. The findings are of theoretical importance, complementing the work on testing the hypothesis of an effective market, and of practical importance in the form of recommendations for on market improving.


Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Tikhaleva

Functioning and exchange of information between state structures of federal and regional level, coordination of interests of various subjects of the Russian Federation, promote stability in the country. In this situation, the necessary «balance» is formed in the relations between the Russian Federation and its administrative-territorial units that at due level can protect the state from social shocks and crises. In this regard, the author analyses the participation of subjects of the Russian Federation in ensuring national security. The article provides a generalised characteristic of correlations between the concepts of «national security» and «regional security». The attention is drawn to factors infl uencing the regional security system. Some topical issues of legal regulation of activity of subjects of the Russian Federation about the ensuring national security are considered. The author revealed negative tendencies taking place within the regional security system. Based on the conducted research, the conclusion is made that there are a number of problems in the fi eld of national security at the regional level. These problems can affect the state as a whole


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-78
Author(s):  
Rudolf Pastor ◽  
Pavel Bučka

Both the Georgian-Abkhazian War of 1992-93 and the five-day War of 2008 led to the subsequent presence of the Russian Federation Armed Forces in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Both de jure internationally unrecognized states without any Georgian governmental administration executive power over them present a major conflict seemingly frozen in time. „Status quo“ is represented on the Abkhazian and the South Ossetia side supported by their Russian patrons and by Georgia on the other side. The Russian Federation military presence prevents Georgia to execute any rights and functions over breakaway states under the Russian protectorate. The military power of the Russian Federation projected in Abkhazia, including aid provided by Russia since 2008 until 2019, is the topic of the following article. Russia is ensuring its dominance over both regions not only through its military presence but also by providing financial and material aid. Approximately 45% of the state budget of Abkhazia provided by Russia in 2019 excluding material support is self-explanatory to understand the strategic importance of both territories located in the Southern Caucasus. Abkhazia is located next to the Black Sea and both close to the Caspian Sea, considered by the Russian Federation the predominant sphere of its strategic interests in this region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 585-604
Author(s):  
Konstantin Valerianovich Asmolov ◽  
Liudmila Vladimirovna Zakharova

February 2020 marked 20 years since a new Treaty on Friendship, Good-neighborliness and Cooperation was signed between the Russian Federation and the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea (DPRK). The document constitutes a basis of modern bilateral relations, free of ideology and based on the principles of pragmatism and mutual benefit. The article explores main directions and results in bilateral ties in 2000-2019 in order to identify the priorities of Russia and the results that Moscow managed to achieve for each of them. The presented hierarchy of Russias key interests in relation to the DPRK makes it possible to assess the current level of bilateral interaction and outline the logic of its development and prospects. It was revealed that Russias top priority is stability on its borders. Neither a military conflict, nor a humanitarian catastrophe, nor a larger Republic of Korea is beneficial to Moscow. Therefore, the Russian Federation seeks to maintain the status quo, contributing (without prejudice to itself) to the economic development of North Korea. With regard to the nuclear settlement, Moscow is not concerned with Pyongyangs nuclear missile potential per se, but with its possible consequences for regional security. There is a clear understanding that North Korean nukes are not directed against Russia. The second-level priority is Moscows observance of its international obligations, the refusal of which may negatively affect the countrys positions in the international arena and other regions. This group of priorities includes Russias participation in the nuclear settlement and compliance with the UN Security Council sanctions. In the third place is the protection of Russian economic interests in the region, which are few at this stage, since most economic projects have a political background. The authors conclude that Russias strategic goals (peace and security in the Northeast Asia) have not been achieved yet, while the main tactical ones (i.e. border stability) have been mostly attained, although with some damage to less significant priorities (such as economic interests in the region).


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-84
Author(s):  
O. O. Krivolapov

Studies on missile defense, both in Russia and abroad, have been tradition- ally focused either on capabilities of the US national missile defense system to parry Russian or Chinese strategic nuclear forces, or on regional deter- rence of North Korea and Iran by means of regional missile defense (theater missile defense, TMD). However, the 2019 Missile Defense Review (MDR) emphasized the role of the TMD systems in the regional deterrence of the Russian Federation and China. So far this issue has received little attention and this paper aims to fill that gap. The first section identifies the key points of the MDR concerning the capabilities of regional missile defense for regional deterrence of the major nuclear powers. The author also examines the views of different represen- tatives of the US Department of Defense on this issue, and concludes that the US military-political leadership has a generally positive assessment of the capabilities of the TMD systems to contain Russia and China in case of a regional crisis. In particular, planners emphasize the role of the regional missile defense in countering the ‘anti-access/access-denial’ capabilities and the concept of ‘escalate to de-escalate’ ascribed to Russia. At the same time, US policymakers express in that regard serious concerns about Russia’s and China’s progress in the development of hypersonic missile systems. The second section examines the ongoing debates in Western expert so- ciety on the role of the regional missile defense in terms of deterring Russia and China. The author concludes that in this respect experts can provisionally be divided into two groups. The first group generally supports the arguments of the US military-political leadership and is optimistic about TMD capabili- ties for regional deterrence of Russia and China. The second group is more critical of these capabilities. They point out the lack of accurate data on the combat capabilities of such systems in active warfare and criticize question- able theoretical assumptions of their opponents. The third section provides a critical analysis of the arguments presented in this debate. The author concludes that the current concepts of deterrence based on the use of regional missile defense systems do not fully address possible implications for regional security and strategic stability. The Russian Federation and China possess significant nuclear arsenals, which already make nuclear escalation involving these countries and the United States possible. Adding yet another variable (TMD) into this equation only aggravates the situation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-39
Author(s):  
D. S. Alekseev

Eurasia is gradually turning into the point of intersection of various longterm political and economic initiatives undertaken by the leading actors of contemporary international relations, including the Russian Federation, the European Union, the United States and the People’s Republic of China. This trend compounded by a complicated dynamics of integration and disintegration processes in the post-Soviet states further exacerbates tensions in the region, already fraught with conflict. It also poses additional obstacles to the projects of Eurasian integration, promoted by the Russian Federation. In order to provide a better understanding of the specificities and prospects of Russia’s initiatives, the paper examines the origins and the evolution of the Russian strategy of Eurasian integration, and identifies its key elements. The author concludes that fundamental principles of the Russian strategy for reshaping the post-Soviet states have been laid down during the presidency of B.N. Yeltsin and were merely adjusted to meet certain political, social and economic changes both in Russia and abroad. These principles include: 1) commitment to the idea of a multipolar world; 2) creation of supranational Eurasian economic institutions to multiply the economic potential of member-states; 3) prevention of a change of political regimes in neighboring countries if they can bring to power anti-Russian groups; 4) establishment of closer links with China, especially on political, economic and security issues; 5) formation of a new center of political gravity in Eurasia through expanding the capacities of regional political and military organizations which would complement integration processes and ensure regional security. The paper shows that amid growing international tensions in the second half of 2010s the Russian integration initiatives have become increasingly focused on geostrategic, political and military issues. In that regard, the author concludes that, although the development of the Eurasian integration projects enables a wide range of horizontal and vertical economic linkages between the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) memberstates, overtly competitive nature of both the Russian and the Western states’ strategies increases the conflict potential of the region. In the absence of alternative approaches, this conflict could not only become a potential source of new tensions between Russia and the West, but also threatens to reverse the current integration processes within the EAEU. The author emphasizes that the abandonment of excessively politicized and ideologized policies both in Russia and in the Western states, which prevents political elites from finding compromises and developing alternative approaches, is the only way to improve the situation in the Eurasian region.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor V. Bocharnikov

The article analyzes the specifics and content of Armenia's multi-vector foreign policy, its results and prospects for further implementation. The article considers the processes of formation and development of the Armenian statehood in the Soviet and post-Soviet periods. The years when Armenia was part of the USSR were the period of its highest development. At the same time, along with the achievements in the spheres of socio-economic and cultural development, nationalist public sentiments were formed during this period, which undermined the foundations of the multinational state. The most important catalyst for fundamental changes in the development of the political situation in Armenia, in Transcaucasia and in the USSR as a whole was the events in the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region in the late 80s of the XX century, which transformed into an ethno-political confl ict. The most acute phase of the conflict coincided with the collapse of the USSR and the establishment of the statehood of Armenia and Azerbaijan. With the mediation of the Russian Federation, a ceasefire agreement was signed in May 1994, which was generally observed until September 2020 — the Second Karabakh War. The article examines the main stages of the formation of the statehood of Armenia and the formation of its foreign policy strategy, due to the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as the actual blockade and pressure from Azerbaijan and Turkey. Building allied relations with Russia was carried out along with the implementation of a multi-vector foreign policy, focusing on the United States and the European Union within the framework of the European program "Eastern Partnership". The main factors determining the modern foreign and domestic policy of Armenia are considered. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the processes caused by the results of the" Second Karabakh War " (September — November 2020) and their significance for the formation of a regional security system in the South Caucasus. The main vectors of the development of Armenia's relations with the Russian Federation and other leading countries of the region, the conditions and factors, and the prospects for the development of the military-political situation in the South Caucasus are determined.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-75
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Miarka

The aim of the article is to analyze and characterize the influence of the Russian Federation on the security of Moldova through cooperation with the nonrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR). My research hypothesis is that the Russian Federation, through its multifaceted (time-varying) support to Transnistria, strengthens its pro-Russian character, thus making it an effective instrument for influencing Moldova's security. The research used methods characteristic for qualitative research, such as analysis and interpretation of documents of the Republic of Moldova and statements of leading Moldovan and Transnistrian politicians. The results of the research indicate that the Russian Federation's support of Transnistria with military and nonmilitary means in order to exert pressure on Moldova. The para-state is a convenient tool for influencing the shape of security policy created by Moldovan decision makers in order to undermine Moldova's aspirations to participate in Euro-Atlantic structures, for example, the European Union, and maintain it as part of Russia's traditional sphere of influence. The measures taken by the Russian side reduce Moldova's security, while posing a challenge to maintaining regional security in the long term.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Rafoat R. Alieva ◽  
Rafoat R. Alieva

The article examines the issues of expanding and strengthening the military-political cooperation of the Republic of Tajikistan with the Russian Federation to ensure the security of the states of the Central Asian region. It is noted that a broad legal and organizational-structural base has been created that enshrines the directions of military-political cooperation between the two states. The international activities of states in the field of security in the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States hereinafter (CIS), the Collective Security Treaty Organization (hereinafter CSTO) and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (hereinafter SCO). The history of the formation of security cooperation aimed at countering modern challenges is disclosed. The basic principles and features of the development of military — technical cooperation between the two states in the framework of the CSTO are determined. The importance of military-technical cooperation in order to ensure the security of Central Asian states is substantiated.


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