scholarly journals Ivan Baruch Kutisker in Finland

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-38
Author(s):  
André Swanström

Ivan Baruch Kutisker was a Lithuanian Jewish businessman who became a prominent symbol of Nazi propaganda and antisemitism in the Weimar Republic. Before Kutisker came to Germany he had a brief engagement as the Finnish government representative to Soviet Russia. This article contributes to the research on Kutisker as well as to the research on antisemitism in Finland. Ivan Kutisker’s sojourn in Finland has been an unknown chapter in his life. Kutisker’s contact persons in Finland were Heikki Renvall, Kai Donner and K. N. Rantakari. The attitudes displayed by Renvall, Donner and Ranta­kari indicate that antisemitism was widespread among the Finnish political and military establishment. The article illustrates how antisemitism influenced the thinking and decision-making of high-ranking Finnish officials.

Slavic Review ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 665-682 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Himmer

The Russo-Polish War occasioned some of the most anxious moments in the history of relations between Soviet Russia and the Weimar Republic. Within Germany, the advance of the Red Army toward Warsaw in 1920 aroused strong, but contradictory emotions. First, it led many Germans to anticipate the destruction of Poland and to hope for the restoration of the Reich’s former eastern territories. Simultaneously, however, the westward Russian march raised fears of the invasion of Germany by Bolshevik forces. Within Russia, a similar dichotomy of views about Germany existed. On one hand, the German government was considered a hostile, though negligible and temporary—a Communist revolution there was thought imminent—factor in Russia’s situation. On the other, Germany was held important enough to Russia that serious proposals of a far-reaching alliance against Poland and the Entente were made to her. The former view rested on a fundamentally optimistic assessment of Russia’s prospects; the latter, on a sober one. Grounds for concern were afforded by the Soviet Republic’s grave economic problems and by worry about whether the weary Red Army could defeat Pilsudski’s forces, whose offensive capacity had been demonstrated by their capture of Kiev in May 1920. If Germany, which had had military forces in the field against the Bolsheviks only a year before, should actively assist the Poles, Russia’s situation could be appreciably worsened. Surprisingly, therefore, although there are several recent, excellent studies of Soviet-Polish affairs and the Russo-Polish War, and a voluminous literature on relations between the Soviets and the Weimar Republic, little attention has been paid to Soviet policy toward Germany during the conflict with Poland. To explain that policy, and its apparent contradiction, is the purpose of this article.


2006 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 134-145
Author(s):  
Carole Fink

Abstract Germany's revisionist policy in the interwar period constituted a prime source of international instability. From the Treaty of Versailles to the advent of Adolf Hitler, the statesmen of the Weimar Republic pursued a purposeful, nationalistic diplomacy aimed at eroding the treaty's main provisions. Revisionspolitik, which united most segments of the Reich public, was highly successful: the divisions among the former allies and Soviet Russia helped contribute to the achievements of the statesmen Rathenau, Stresemann and Bruning. By 1933 the Nazi regime, less prudent and more militant, was able to build on its predecessors' labours to regain German hegemony in Europe, supported by a nation grown accustomed to an irredentist foreign policy as welt as by diplomatic partners who had largely acquiesced in Berlin's revisionism. Though historians still differ over the style, methods, individual practitioners, and short- and long-term goals of Weimar foreign policy, it seems clear that it was the most pervasive, integral element of republican diplomacy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (10) ◽  
pp. 1456-1474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tal Jonathan-Zamir ◽  
David Weisburd ◽  
Michal Dayan ◽  
Maia Zisso

Studies have identified that police officers often support and value evidence-based policing (EBP), but nevertheless prefer relying on experience when making decisions. Yet, policing scholars have paid little attention to the generality of this proclivity, the psychological mechanisms behind it, or to its implications for implementing EBP. The present study illuminates this phenomenon. We review its psychological foundations and use a survey of high-ranking officers from the Israel Police to examine its prevalence. We find that while officers support EBP overall, they believe that decisions should be based primarily on experience, not research. The two were found to be separate (although correlated) constructs. Furthermore, we find that the preference for experience as the basis for decision making is an overarching trait, not associated with personal-level characteristics. We discuss the implications of our findings and argue that attempts to implement EBP should recognize and work with this inherent psychological inclination.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-284
Author(s):  
Elena Bogdanova

This article examines the options for redressing abuse of office available to citizens in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. I consider the courts, the procuracy, and the complaint mechanism as sites for citizens to lodge claims against abuse of office in late-Soviet and post-Soviet times. After the collapse of the Soviet system there was an attempt to overcome the Soviet legacy, to strengthen legal institutions and establish administrative justice. Analysis of Soviet and post-Soviet normative documents and statistical data allows us to argue that opportunities for Russian citizens to combat service crimes in the courts have improved substantially. However, the system for coping with abuse of office remains imperfect, and retains features of the Soviet legacy despite vague legislation about administrative justice and dual ways of coping with abuse through legal and quasi-legal mechanisms. The re-establishment of the complaint mechanism in the conditions of contemporary Russia exacerbates this imperfection. Overall, the complaint mechanism occupies a significant place in people’s options for making claims against officials, especially claims against high-ranking officials.


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