scholarly journals Archaeology and the State

2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Brown

Archaeology is a powerful tool for the provision of a cultural identity to a population. This same power often makes it also the target of manipulation by a state in the process of nation-building. This paper will study the darker political nature of archaeology by examining the effects of state-control over archaeological resources and research, in Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. The aim of this paper is to highlight the dangers posed to the public world- view of a nation in which the only accepted interpretation of the classical past is that of the Party.

Author(s):  
Bongani C Ndhlovu

This chapter analyses the influence of the state in shaping museum narratives, especially in a liberated society such as South Africa. It argues that while the notion of social cohesion and nation building is an ideal that many South African museums should strive for, the technocratisation of museum processes has to a degree led to a disregard of the public sphere as a space of open engagement. Secondly, the chapter also looks at the net-effect of museums professionals and boards in the development of their narrative. It argues that due to the nature of their expertise and interests, and the focus on their areas of specialisation, museums may hardly claim to be representative of the many voices they ought to represent. As such, the chapter explores contestations in museum spaces. It partly does so by exploring the notion “free-spokenness” and its limits in museum spaces. To amplify its argument, the chapter uses some exhibitions that generated critical engagements from Iziko Museums of South Africa.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel W. Watters

Critics of the Turkish interpretation of secularism,laiklik, describe it as authoritarian and repressive. Indeed, rather than establish state neutrality toward religion,laiklikhistorically entailed state control of Islam, the religion of the vast majority of the Turkish population, and the exclusion of religion from the public sphere in an effort to control religious belief and identity. Many, including leaders in the ruling AKP, assert, though, that recent reforms herald a move away from this model of control toward a secularism defined by state neutrality toward religion. To determine whether this transformation is actually occurring, I evaluate, based on Turkish language sources, the recent reforms under the AKP using the framework of the secularized state described by the German legal scholar Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde. Because of its significant role in implementing Turkish policies toward religion, I evaluate these reforms by analyzing developments in the programming and messaging of the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) under the AKP. I find little evidence thatlaiklikis transitioning to a state neutrality toward religion. Rather, the AKP has coupled a greater presence of religion in the public sphere with expanding state authority in religious programming and messaging. Although these reforms reflect a transformation in Turkish nation-building policies, they maintain the state control of religion that separateslaiklikfrom neutral secularism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-351
Author(s):  
V N Yuzhakov ◽  
E I Dobrolyubova ◽  
A A Spiridonov

The success of the reform of the state control and inspection system depends significantly on taking into account the estimates of all stakeholders, i.e. business, government, and citizens as beneficiaries of the state control and inspection activities; and such estimates should be considered at the stages of planning, monitoring, and evaluating the achieved results. The priority project ‘Reforming State Control and Inspection System in the Russian Federation’ considers citizens’ estimates only if presented by statistical indicators that reflect the nature, frequency, and scale of harm often measured by the control bodies themselves, i.e. such data are prone to distortion. The authors suggest to supplement this system by indicators allowing the citizens to assess the state control and inspection activities and reform. These indicators can be measured in representative surveys, which would allow to balance the existing system of monitoring the state control and inspection activities. The article presents both international and Russian approaches to the sociological study of the efficiency of the state control and inspection system. The authors identify methodological rules of such surveys, such as that all adult citizens should be questioned regardless of their experience of interaction with control bodies. The article also describes the types of public legally protected values and the types of risks that should be part of sociological questionnaires; and suggests some key indicators for the assessment of the state control activities by the citizens: the frequency of facing the need to protect public values (the lower the frequency, the higher the effectiveness); the general estimate of the public values safety (by groups of risks); and the results of citizens’ interaction with the control bodies to protect public values including damage compensation.


Author(s):  
Anthony O’Hear

Conservatism is an approach to human affairs which mistrusts both a priori reasoning and revolution, preferring to put its trust in experience and in the gradual improvement of tried and tested arrangements. As a conscious statement of position, it dates from the reaction of Burke and de Maistre to the Enlightenment and Revolutionary thought and practices in the eighteenth century. Its roots, however, go far deeper. From Plato, conservatives derive a sense of the complexity and danger of human nature, although they reject emphatically his belief in the desirability of philosophical governance. From Aristotle, conservatives derive their sense of the need for practical experience in judging both moral and political matters, and their understanding of the role of tradition in inculcating habits of virtue and wisdom in the young. Against Plato, conservatives prefer the limited government advocated by Hobbes, because of their belief in the ignorance and corruptibility of rulers, and because of their wish to encourage the self-reliance of subjects. They do, however, reject any conception of a social contract. In this, they follow de Maistre, who argued that creatures with the institutions and reactions necessary to form a social contract will already be in a society and hence have no need of such a thing. While de Maistre emphasized the terror underlying political power, more characteristic of modern Anglo-Saxon conservatism is the position of Burke. For Burke, a good constitution is one adorned with ’pleasing illusions’ to make ’power gentle and obedience liberal’. It is also one which dissipates power in a society through autonomous institutions independent of the state. For both these reasons the communist regimes of eastern Europe could not be defended by conservatives, even though for a time they represented a form of social order. While conservatism is not antithetical to the free market, and while the market embodies virtues the conservative will approve of, for the conservative the market needs to be supplemented by the morality, the institutions and the authority necessary to sustain it. Human beings are by nature political, and also inevitably derive their identity from the society to which they belong. Our sense of self is established through our family relationships and also through the wider recognition and apportionment of roles we achieve in the public world beyond the family. According to Hegel, who since Aristotle has written most profoundly on the interplay of the private and the public in human life, both family and the public world of civil society need to be sustained through the authority of the state. On the other hand, the distinctions between family, civil society and the state need to be maintained against the characteristically modern tendency to treat them collectively. In his insistence both on authority and on the checks and balances needed in a good society, Hegel may be said to be the most articulate and systematic of conservative thinkers. Conservatism has been much criticized for its tendency towards complacency and to accept the status quo even when it is unacceptable. However, in its stress on the imperfectibility of human nature and on the dangers of wholesale revolution, it may be said to be more realistic than its opponents. Conservatives can also be quite content with the claim that societies animated by conservative political structures have been more successful morally and materially than socialist or liberal societies. This claim they believe to be true, and it is a fundamental aspect of their position that the dispute between them and their opponents is, at bottom, an empirical one.


2015 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 264-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Souza

The aim of this article is to highlight the importance of food in the rituals of African Brazilian Candomblé, as well as in its cosmovision (world view). A brief description of Candomblé’s historical trajectory is provided in order to show how food offerings became part of its rituals and how specific ingredients became symbolically significant in this belief system. According to the theories applied, it is possible that food has at least two functions in Candomblé: to materialize principles and also to work as a ritual language. To show the role of food in Candomblé the state of Bahia was taken as a case study – firstly because Candomblé started there and secondly because, as this article shows, the sacred foods of Candomblé are also consumed in everyday life, outside of religious situations, but just as importantly constituting a part of Bahian cultural identity. The dishes that feature in the ritualised meals and at the same time in Bahians’ everyday eating are described at the conclusion of the article, with a mention of their ingredients and to whom they are offered. The research sources included publications by Candomblé believers and scholars of religion, as well as cooks and journalists specialising in Bahian cuisine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 834
Author(s):  
Anna Triningsih ◽  
Oly Viana Agustine

Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai lembaga yang lahir berdasarkan amandemen UUD 1945 memiliki fungsi sebagai lembaga terakhir penafsir konstitusi atau yang sering disebut sebagai the final interpreter of constitution. Fungsi ini biasanya dilaksanakan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam kewenangannya menguji undang-undang terhadap Undang-Undang Dasar 1945. Terhadap frasa, ayat, pasal atau undang-undang yang dianggap tidak jelas atau multitafsir telah dimohonkan untuk diberikan penafsiran sesuai dengan konstitusi. Pun demikian dengan frasa keadilan sosial yang terdapat dalam beberapa undang-undang yang telah diputus Mahkamah Konstitusi. Terdapat 16 (enam belas) putusan dengan 10 (sepuluh) isu konstitusional dalam pengujian undang-undang selama periode 2003–2010 dalam bidang ketenagalistrikan, minyak dan gas bumi, ketenagakerjaan, sistem jaminan sosial nasional, sumber daya air, penanaman modal, pajak penghasilan, pengelolaan wilayah pesisir dan pulau-pulau kecil dan pertambangan mineral dan batu bara. Dari 10 isu konstitusional tersebut, dalam pertimbangan hukumnya Mahkamah lebih sering memilih menggunakan interpretasi gramatikal, interpretasi historis, interpretasi teleologis atau sosilologis dan interpretasi komparatif atau perbandingan. Mahkamah Konstitusi menyatakan bahwa keadilan sosial dalam Pembukaan UUD 1945, mengandung makna “penguasaan negara” artinya negara harus menjadikan penguasaan terhadap cabang produksi yang dikuasainya itu memenuhi tiga hal yang menjadi kepentingan masyarakat: ketersediaan yang cukup, distribusi yang merata, dan terjangkaunya harga bagi orang banyak. Dengan dikuasai oleh negara, keadilan sosial diartikan mencakup makna penguasaan oleh negara dalam luas yang bersumber dan diturunkan dari konsepsi kedaulatan rakyat Indonesia atas segala sumber kekayaan “bumi, air dan kekayaan alam yang terkandung di dalamnya”, termasuk pula di dalamnya pengertian kepemilikan publik oleh kolektivitas rakyat atas sumber-sumber kekayaan dimaksud. The Constitutional Court as an institution born based on the amendments to the 1945 Constitution has a function as the final interpreter of constitution. This function is usually carried out by the Constitutional Court in its authority to examine laws against the 1945 Constitution. Regarding phrases, verses, articles or laws that are deemed unclear or multiple interpretations have been requested to be interpreted in accordance with the constitution. Even so with the phrase social justice contained in several laws that have been decided by the Constitutional Court. There are 16 (sixteen) decisions with 10 (ten) constitutional issues in judicial review during the 2003–2010 period in the fields of electricity, oil and gas, employment, national social security systems, water resources, investment, tax income, management of coastal areas and small islands and mining of minerals and coal. Of the 10 constitutional issues, in its legal considerations the Court often chooses to use grammatical interpretations, historical interpretations, teleological or sosilological interpretations and comparative or comparative interpretations. The Constitutional Court stated that social justice in the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution, contained the meaning of "state control" means that the state must make control of the controlled branch of production fulfill three things that are in the public interest: adequate availability, equitable distribution and affordability. By being controlled by the state, social justice is interpreted to include the meaning of control by the state in a broad sense that is derived and derived from the conception of the sovereignty of the people of Indonesia over all sources of wealth "earth, water and natural wealth contained in it" the people for the intended sources of wealth.


Author(s):  
Saniat Agamagomedova ◽  

The subject of research is state control and supervision from the point of view of axiological approaches. The first level of the latter makes it possible to determine value of state control and supervision as administrative forms; the second level forms variants of theoretical and legal substantiation of the correlation between the control and supervisory activities of the state and the totality of values protected by law. The aim of the article is to propose methodological techniques for determining the value of state control and supervision, which is understood as the importance of these institutions in the public administration system as a whole in the context of the possibility of using other administrative forms to achieve regulatory goals. The value of the control and supervisory activities of the state is substantiated from the point of view of the possibility of replacing state control and supervision with other regulatory mechanisms within the framework of deregulation processes (horizontal approach), as well as taking into account previous development of these administrative forms (evolutionary approach). Value of state control and supervision is seen as the ability to ensure the protection of legally protected values with minimal interference of public authorities in controlled activities. Value of the considered management forms is substantiated using the category of deregulation, which is understood as: process of development of a certain sphere of social relations; process of delegating state powers; trends to expanding the freedom of subjects, transition to “soft” regulation; process of reducing and simplifying administrative procedures (procedural deregulation). Determination of the value of state control and supervision is associated with the justification of the possibility of replacing these management forms with others in relation to a certain area of regulation, which determines a specific ratio of various management forms and mechanisms. From the point of view of evolutionary approach, value of state control and supervision is determined by the previous development of these administrative forms in the system of state power. Within the framework of the theoretical and legal substantiation of the category “values protected by law” in the system of state control and supervision, a variety of positions are highlighted. As a conclusion, a modern formula is proposed: state control and supervision — socially significant results — mandatory requirements — values protected by law.


Author(s):  
Sara Roy

This chapter presents a conceptual framework for ideas about Islamic civil society and explores the meaning of civil society to Islamists themselves. An Islamic civil society does not differ in certain ways from a non-Islamic or secular civil society but embraces some of the same values (e.g., civility, tolerance) and roles (e.g., independent entities compensating for the deficiencies of the state). Another prominent theme is that Islam, both as a religion and as an expression of cultural identity, should not be relegated solely to the private sphere but should also be situated squarely in the public sphere. A third theme stressed compatibility between Islam and civil society, arguing that Islam contains all the requisite elements to form a civil society and that traditional Islamic society was indeed a version of civil society.


Author(s):  
I Putu Sastra Wibawa

Religious diversity contributes to nation building positively. However, it can also be a potential source of conflict. The multi-religious communities in Indonesia face many conflicts that triggered by religion. This problem demands a strategic anticipation, especially in juridical view. Juridical anticipation means the state frames legal policies that regulate the relations between religious communities in Indonesia in order to achieve a harmonious life. The political law of interreligious harmony established by the government in Indonesia will unable to implement properly if indirectly intervene by the community. The public must keep discussing and seeking to maintain inclusive relations between religious communities to achieve religious harmony in Indonesia which is based on tolerance and cooperation in the life of society, nation and state.


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