scholarly journals Corruption et le déclin de la République romaine

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Guillaume Jasmin
Keyword(s):  
Roman Republic ◽  
Political System ◽  
Comme Suit ◽  
The Republic ◽  
To Come

This paper takes a look at the role of corruption in ending the Roman Republic. It does not purport to hold up corruption as the single deciding factor in the Roman Republic's collapse but rather hopes to show that corruption did have a responsibility in bringing down a 500 year-old institution. This dissertation was written by reviewing existing sources be they historical or analytical so as to find the elements needed to come to a conclusion answering the question posed above. The structure followed by this paper is as follows: the author first exposed how the Roman Republic's political system was organized and how it functioned. Secondly, the author defined corruption and detailed a historical example of this insidious entity. Finally, the fall of the Republic is chronicled and the role of corruption in this collapse is uncovered. To conclude, the author found that corruption did in fact play a non-negligible role in the overthrow of the Roman Republic.Cette dissertation essaye de présenter quel a été le rôle de la corruption dans la chute de la République romaine. Toutefois, ce texte n'essaye pas d'assigner un rôle décisif à la corruption, mais tente plutôt de montrer que la corruption (parmi plusieurs autres facteurs) avait une responsabilité dans l'effondrement d'une institution vieille de plus de 500 ans. Cette rédaction a été écrite en révisant plusieurs sources historiques et analytiques existantes afin de trouver les éléments qui ont servis à répondre à la question ci-dessus. La structure de cette dissertation va comme suit: premièrement, l'auteur a exposé l'organisation et le fonctionnement de l'appareil politique qu'était la République romaine. Puis, l'auteur a définit la corruption et détaillé un exemple historique de cette entité insidieuse. Ensuite, l'auteur a chroniquer l'écroulement de la République et a mis à jour le rôle de la corruption dans cet affaissement. En conclusion, l'auteur à découvert que la corruption a joué un rôle non-négligeable dans la destruction de la République romaine.

Virtus Romana

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catalina Balmaceda
Keyword(s):  
Roman Republic ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Political System ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Historical Narratives ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Political Concept ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Ideal

The political transformation that took place at the end of the Roman Republic was a particularly rich area for historical analysis. The crisis that saw the end of the Roman Republic and the changes which gave birth to a new political system were narrated by major Roman historians who took the Roman idea of virtus as a way of interpreting and understanding their history. Tracing how virtus informed Roman thought over time, the book explores the concept and its manifestations in the narratives of four successive Latin historians who span the late republic and early principate: Sallust, Livy, Velleius, and Tacitus. Balmaceda demonstrates that the concept of virtus in these historical narratives served as a form of self-definition which fostered and propagated a new model of the ideal Roman more fitting to imperial times. As a crucial moral and political concept, virtus worked as a key idea in the complex system of Roman socio-cultural values and norms which underpinned Roman attitudes about both present and past. This book offers a re-appraisal of the historians as promoters of change and continuity in the political culture of both the Republic and the Empire.

scholarly journals EVOLUTION OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS: FROM BIRTH TO STABILIZATION

2018 ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
Nataliya Khoma
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
The Eu

The process of the formation of the party system of Cyprus was considered. The period from colonial to 1981 is covered. The factors that influenced the evolution of the parties of Cyprus, in particular the internal conflict, were underlined. Emphasizes the importance of the ethnic component of the population of Cyprus. The attention was paid to the role of the Orthodox Church in shaping the political system of Cyprus. The article analyzes the norms of the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus (1960) concerning political parties, in which the focus was on the parliamentary aspect of party activity. The role of Archbishop Makarios III, the first president of Cyprus, for the further evolution of the party system in the 1960–70s was revealed. Presented chronology of the appearance of the main parties of Cyprus and their participation in elections and coalitions. The article emphasizes that after the accession of Cyprus to the EU in 2004, the party system of the state is experiencing the trend of the newest European tendencies on the national party palette: the level of people’s confidence in the parties is decreasing, the party identity is blurred, the voter turnout is gradually decreasing, new types of parties are emerging, Radicalization is notable and so on. The party system of Cyprus is special, even if only within the EU there is a pro-communist party (Progressive Party of the Labor People of Cyprus), represented in the European Parliament, among the leading political forces. It was emphasized that the political parties of Cyprus until 1974 were purely electoral mechanisms. The new stage of development began with the stabilization of the post-colonial political system of Cyprus. At this time, the church lost its past influence, and the majoritarian electoral system alienated itself. This led to a new stage in the development of the party system in the late 1970s. It is noted that the determining factor was the transition to a proportional electoral system and the introduction of mandatory participation of voters in the vote. It was emphasized that these legislative innovations became important factors in the development of the modern party system of Cyprus. Since that time, the Cypriot parties have become more independent and united in the coalition.

scholarly journals Trzy razy res publica: Thomas Smith, Gasparo Contarini i Wawrzyniec Goślicki

2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-104
Author(s):  
Iwona Barwicka-Tylek
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Tradition ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Civic Virtues ◽  
The Republic

The interest in Republican thought is on the increase again, now chiefl y thanks to the works of Quentin Skinner and the circle of so-called neo-Republicans (or civic Republicans) concentrated around Phillip Petit. They stress the peculiar perspective that Republicans have had on the state and society. This is seen in their distinctive view of freedom as the absence of domination, or attachment to the category of citizenship and the related role of civic virtues. These special characteristics justify, in their opinion, distinguishing the Republican trend of political thought (historically and now) from other positions, especially the liberal tradition. Accepting generally the above opinion, the paper draws our attention to signifi - cant differences within Republicanism itself. To do this, it cites the three conceptions of republic that were formed in the 16th century and refer to England (Sir Thomas Smith), Venice (Gasparo Contarini) and Poland (Wawrzyniec Goślicki). Although they were formed around the same time and have common roots mainly in Aristotle’s philosophy and Roman Republican ideas, each of the three perspectives views the republic from a different angle. While all three authors believe the coexistence of three elements – orderly institutions, wise law and virtuous citizens – to be crucial for any state, they rely in their deliberations on one element only. This has an impact on the way their conceptions fi nally appear and on the conclusions for the political system they draw. And so, Smith gives precedence to institutions, Contarini emphasises the key role of law and Goślicki gives primacy to virtue, concentrated in an ideal senator. Taking notice of such differences among thinkers openly admitting to an attachment to the Republican tradition should make us even more careful so as not to oversimplify it as if it were uniform and completely cohesive. Further, the awareness of such differences may provoke refl ection how justifi ed the use of the Republican banner is in respect of so different authors as, for instance, Machiavelli and Montesquieu.

Political Violence in the Republic of Rome: Nothing New under the Sun

2006 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-511 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brenda J. Lutz ◽  
James M. Lutz
Keyword(s):  
Roman Republic ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Political System ◽  
Early Republic ◽  
The Sun ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution

AbstractAt various times the Roman Republic faced outbreaks of domestic political violence, including riots and intimidation, assassinations and conspiracies to overthrow the government. Violence was particularly noticeable in the Early Republic and the Late Republic. These activities were quite similar to the terrorism and violence used by mobs and groups during the French Revolution and the tactics of fascists and leftists in Europe in the 1920s or 1930s. More accurately, the actions of mobs and others during the French Revolution and leftists and fascists in Europe were very similar to the techniques used in the Roman political system in the last five centuries BCE.

SACER, SACROSANCTUS, and LEGES SACRATAE

2015 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Pellam
Keyword(s):  
Roman Republic ◽  
Early Republic ◽  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
The State ◽  
Conventional View ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Legitimate State

This paper offers a challenge to the conventional view of the lex sacrata which the Romans believed to have accompanied the establishment of the plebeian tribunate. According to most scholars, the lex sacrata was not technically a lex (law), but was rather an oath sworn by the plebs, enjoining them to protect the persons of the tribunes and to punish with death anyone who should harm the holders of this office. Originally it was only this oath that gave the tribunes their power, which developed into a true office of the Roman state only gradually. This interpretation serves as one of the major props in the widely-held interpretation of the early Roman Republic as being characterized by a “struggle of the orders” in which the plebeians formed a revolutionary “state within the state,” separate and distinct from the legitimate state, which was controlled by the patricians. By reexamining the sources for the traditional interpretation of the lex sacrata, this paper shows that all of the evidence suggests that the lex sacrata which guaranteed the inviolability of the plebeian tribunes was, in fact, a law of the Roman community, and that there is little if any support for the “oath” interpretation. With this understanding, a major prop in the communis opinio about the early Republic is undermined. Finally, the paper offers an alternative hypothesis for the role of leges sacratae in the development of the Republic.

Democratic Stability and Instability: The French Case

1965 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric A. Nordlinger
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
Political System ◽  
French Politics ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Stability And Instability ◽  
French Case ◽  
The Republic ◽  
To Come ◽  
Democratic Stability ◽  
Constitutional Monarchy

The outstanding characteristic of the French political system is its historical instability. Constitutional monarchy was overthrown by a revolution, replaced by a republic, which in turn quickly evolved into a dictatorship, and when it too was dismissed by an armed uprising, the interminable squabbles among the monarchist factions allowed another republic to come into existence by default. But for an “accident” of history this republic too would have given way to a dictatorship through the bloodless medium of the coup d'état, but while the republic tottered on in the interwar period the life-span of its governments was calculated in terms of months rather than years, and with its “collapse” under the coup de grâce of military defeat a new dictatorship immediately sprang up to take its place, to be succeeded by another republic lasting for thirteen years amid constantly recurring cabinet crises, then falling in the wake of an eminently successful revolution, out of which emerged the present regime. Here we have what sociologists might label the “institutionalization of instability”, interpreted by a number of leading writers on French politics as the product of a deep-seated conflict between the “two Frances”, whether these two political subcultures are viewed as the parties of mouvement and of I'ordre établi, or as the “administrative and representative traditions.”

Elections, Legitimacy, Media and Democracy: The Case of Georgia

2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-487
Author(s):  
Sue Davis
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
To Come ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
The Relationship

Elections are one of the major ways in which democratic governments maintain legitimacy. Do elections serve the same functions in transitioning, non-democratic, or semi-democratic systems? Perhaps the relationship between elections and legitimacy is different in systems that are not fully democratic? And what of the media? Is their role the same or is the role they play dependent upon the type of system in which they exist? The Republic of Georgia offers an interesting case in which to look at these relationships. I would posit that in transitioning, non-democratic, and semi-democratic systems, elections serve a different function than in a fully democratic society and the media are one tool that leaders in such systems can use to enhance their legitimacy. When non-democratic leaders enjoy popularity, there is no need to finesse the media since positive coverage is easy to come by when you are popular. But if your popularity is waning and democratic habits are not well ingrained, the temptation to overtly or covertly subvert the media can be quite intense. So instead of maintaining legitimacy, elections may serve to create legitimacy or at least the appearance of legitimacy when legitimacy is lacking. To that end, regimes and leaders cannot afford to lose, and moreover need to win, elections by large margins if their legitimacy is questionable. Therefore, control over the media is more important when this is the case. In fact, there may be an inverse relationship between media freedom and regime insecurity, as the insecurity of the regime goes up, the freedom of the media goes down. Couple this tendency with the fact that the media in these transitioning systems have not fully become a “fourth estate” that is strong, independent, and can hold the government and political leaders accountable and you have a climate in which the media are harassed, biased, and often co-opted. Georgia, through the 2000 presidential election, is such a political system.

Mexico's One-Party System: A Re-evaluation

1957 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 995-1008 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Vincent Padgett
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ideological Bias ◽  
System A ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
The Republic

Because Mexican politics since the Revolution of 1910–17 have operated mainly within the framework of a one-party system and because in the past strong men have sometimes occupied the presidency, writers in the United States have tended to treat the system as authoritarian. Emphasis upon presidential rule and the corollary explanation of the role of the Revolutionary Party as nothing more nor less than an instrument of presidential domination have served to create an oversimplified picture of presidential power. It is the purpose of this paper to outline at least four checkpoints on which the authoritarian interpretation seems to have involved miscalculation of the realities of the Mexican political system. The nature of membership in the “official” party, the degree of centralization within and without the party structure, the threefold role of the party within the political system, and the ideological bias of the political elite all seem to indicate the necessity of a re-evaluation of the politics of the republic on our southern border.

The Republic after Berlusconi: Some reflections on historiography, politics and the political use of history in post-1994 Italy

Modern Italy ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni Orsina
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Impact

The Italian political crisis of 1993–1994 and the new political dynamics to which it gave rise, and which persist today, have strongly shaped both public debate and historiographical reflection on the Italian Republic. This article assesses the impact of the political changes of the post-1994 period (and notably Berlusconi's entry into politics) on the debate over the so-called First Republic, with regard to: Italian national identity in the post-Fascist period; the functioning of the political system, especially in relation to the role of the political parties; anti-Fascism and its internal divisions; communism and anti-communism.

scholarly journals Between Marius, Cinna and Sulla. The role of the Valerii Flacci in the Roman Republic in the eighties of the 1st century BC

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-107
Author(s):  
Tomasz Ładoń
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Roman Republic ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Initial Period ◽  
Valerius Flaccus ◽  
The Republic

Abstract: Valerii Flacci was one of the most influential families in Rome in the first two decades of the 1st century BC. Cicero called them a nobilissima familia, while they themselves were the apple of the Roman aristocracy and were perceived as the best citizens (optimi cives). During the First Civil War, they were initially associated with the Marian camp. L. Valerius Flaccus (consul of 100 BC) acted as princeps senatus since 86 BC, and his cousin, also L. Valerius Flaccus was consul suffectus in 86 BC, after the death of C. Marius. The brother of L. Valerius Flaccus, Caius, consul of 93 BC, during the reign of Cinna in Rome was the governor of Spain for many years, and later of Transalpine Gaul too. It is known that Valerii Flacci wanted to reach a compromise between Sulla and the Marian camp, and when their efforts failed, they opted for Sulla.Despite the significant role Valerii Flacci played in the Republic, their activities remain overshadowed by other figures of that period. Also, their switch to the Sulla camp in the memory of the ancients was quite poorly recorded, especially when compared with the publicity of the transition of figures such as Metellus Pius, Pompeius or Crassus to Sulla’s side. The author of the presented paper will attempt to coax Valerii Flacci out of the shadows of history, examine the genesis of their defection to the Sulla camp and determine the role they played in this camp in the initial period of Sulla’s dictatorship. Abstrakt: Valerii Flacci byli jednym z bardziej wpływowych rodów w Rzymie w pierwszych dwóch dekadach I wieku przed Chr. Cicero określał ich mianem nobilissima familia, sami zaś stanowili kwiat arystokracji rzymskiej i postrzegani byli jako najlepsi obywatele (optimi cives). W okresie pierwszej wojny domowej początkowo związani byli z obozem mariańskim. L. Valerius Flaccus (konsul 100 roku przed Chr.) od 86 roku przed Chr. występował jako princeps senatus,  zaś jego kuzyn, również L. Valerius Flaccus, po śmierci C. Mariusa zastąpił go na stanowisku konsula (jako consul suffectus w 86 roku przed Chr.). Rodzony brat tego ostatniego, C. Valerius Flaccus, konsul 93 roku przed Chr., w okresie rządów Cynny w Rzymie był wieloletnim namiestnikiem Hiszpanii, a później także Galii Zaalpejskiej. Wiadomo, że Valerii Flacci chcieli doprowadzić do kompromisu między Sullą a obozem mariańskim, a gdy ich starania zakończyły się fiaskiem, opowiedzieli się za Sullą.Mimo znaczącej roli, jaką Valerii Flacci odgrywali w Republice, ich działalność pozostaje w cieniu innych postaci owego okresu. Także ich akces do obozu sullańskiego w pamięci starożytnych został odnotowany dość słabo, zwłaszcza jeśli zestawi się go z nagłośnieniem przejścia na stronę Sulli takich postaci jak Metellus Pius, Pompeius czy Crassus. Autor prezentowanego artykułu wydobywa Valerii Flacci z cienia historii, bada genezę ich dołączenia do obozu sullańskiego oraz określa ich znaczenie w tym obozie w początkowym okresie dyktatury Sulli.

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