SACER, SACROSANCTUS, and LEGES SACRATAE

2015 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Pellam
Keyword(s):  
Roman Republic ◽  
Early Republic ◽  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
The State ◽  
Conventional View ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Legitimate State

This paper offers a challenge to the conventional view of the lex sacrata which the Romans believed to have accompanied the establishment of the plebeian tribunate. According to most scholars, the lex sacrata was not technically a lex (law), but was rather an oath sworn by the plebs, enjoining them to protect the persons of the tribunes and to punish with death anyone who should harm the holders of this office. Originally it was only this oath that gave the tribunes their power, which developed into a true office of the Roman state only gradually. This interpretation serves as one of the major props in the widely-held interpretation of the early Roman Republic as being characterized by a “struggle of the orders” in which the plebeians formed a revolutionary “state within the state,” separate and distinct from the legitimate state, which was controlled by the patricians. By reexamining the sources for the traditional interpretation of the lex sacrata, this paper shows that all of the evidence suggests that the lex sacrata which guaranteed the inviolability of the plebeian tribunes was, in fact, a law of the Roman community, and that there is little if any support for the “oath” interpretation. With this understanding, a major prop in the communis opinio about the early Republic is undermined. Finally, the paper offers an alternative hypothesis for the role of leges sacratae in the development of the Republic.

scholarly journals Securitisation gaps: Towards ideational understandings of state weakness

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Kevork Oskanian
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Collective Knowledge ◽  
State Action ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Interpretive Approach ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The Republic

Abstract This article contributes a securitisation-based, interpretive approach to state weakness. The long-dominant positivist approaches to the phenomenon have been extensively criticised for a wide range of deficiencies. Responding to Lemay-Hébert's suggestion of a ‘Durkheimian’, ideational-interpretive approach as a possible alternative, I base my conceptualisation on Migdal's view of state weakness as emerging from a ‘state-in-society's’ contested ‘strategies of survival’. I argue that several recent developments in Securitisation Theory enable it to capture this contested ‘collective knowledge’ on the state: a move away from state-centrism, the development of a contextualised ‘sociological’ version, linkages made between securitisation and legitimacy, and the acknowledgment of ‘securitisations’ as a contested Bourdieusian field. I introduce the concept of ‘securitisation gaps’ – divergences in the security discourses and practices of state and society – as a concept aimed at capturing this contested role of the state, operationalised along two logics (reactive/substitutive) – depending on whether they emerge from securitisations of the state action or inaction – and three intensities (latent, manifest, and violent), depending on the extent to which they involve challenges to state authority. The approach is briefly illustrated through the changing securitisation gaps in the Republic of Lebanon during the 2019–20 ‘October Uprising’.

THE ROLE OF SELF-HELP IN PATIENTS SOLIDAR RESPONSIBILITY TO OWN HEALTH

Vestnik ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 328-331
Author(s):  
С.К. Молдабаев ◽  
С.А. Мамырбекова ◽  
Д.Н. Маханбеткулова
Keyword(s):  
Health Insurance ◽  
The State ◽  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
Self Management ◽  
Health Insurance System ◽  
Insurance System ◽  
Self Help ◽  
Compulsory Health Insurance ◽  
The Republic

Согласно Концепции Государственной программы улучшения здоровья населения на 2020-2025 годы в рамках дальнейшего внедрения системы ОСМС в РК одним из основных задач госудаства является повышение солидарной ответственности граждан за свое здоровье. Существующая солидарная ответственность должна побуждать пациентов развивать навыки самопомощи/самоменеджмента с целью лучшего управления собственным здоровьем. Цель исследования. Анализ роли самоменеджмента пациентов в системе солидарной ответственности за свое здоровье. Материал и методы. Данный обзор основывается на материалах ВОЗ и статей зарубежных и отечественных исследователей. Выводы. На сегодняшний день, в системе здравоохранения Казахстана одним из основных моментов является солидарная ответственность государства, пациента и работодателя. Ведь каждый гражданин должен принимать важные решения, которые оказывают существенное влияние на состояние его здоровья. Поэтому стратегии по повышению грамотности пациентов, их вовлеченность в процесс принятия решений и развитие самоменеджмента должны быть одними из фундаментальных стержней существующей системы ОСМС и политики здравоохранения. According to the Concept of the State Program for improving the health of the population for 2020-2025, as part of the further implementation of the compulsory health insurance system in the Republic of Kazakhstan, one of the main tasks of the state is to increase the joint responsibility of citizens for their health. The existing shared responsibility should encourage patients to develop self-help / self-management skills in order to better manage their own health. Purpose of the study. Analysis of the role of patients' self-management in the system of joint responsibility for their health. Material and methods. This review is based on WHO materials and articles of foreign and domestic researchers. Findings. Today, in the health care system of Kazakhstan, one of the main points is the joint responsibility of the state, the patient and the employer. After all, every citizen must make important decisions that have a significant impact on his health. Therefore, strategies to improve patient literacy, their involvement in the decision-making process and the development of self-management should be one of the fundamental pillars of the existing compulsory health insurance system and health policy.

scholarly journals Head of State: Function of the President of the Republic of Belarus

Lex Russica ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 148-160
Author(s):  
I. G. Skorokhod
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
State Function ◽  
Organizational Forms ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Legitimate State ◽  
State Body

According to the author of the paper, the head of state is not a position, not a title, not any state body, but the function of the President of the Republic of Belarus, along with the function of the guarantor of the Constitution, human and civil rights and freedoms. The function of the head of state is unchanged and is due to his position in the system of state authorities. This function manifests the nature and essence of the institution of the presidency, which cannot be reduced to specific actions or practices, therefore, it is implemented through the exercise of powers in various organizational forms. In this regard, the concept of “president”, unlike “head of state”, is not static, but dynamic, since the list of rights and duties of the President of the Republic of Belarus is open.Powers are unambiguous, substantive rights and duties of the President, legitimized from the functions and expressed in various organizational forms of his activities. At the same time, the characteristics of the President’s powers can only show the external side of his activities. The powers of the President, in contrast to the functions, are a variable value. The President through representative, legitimation, arbitration, control, rulemaking, personnel, integration, symbolist and ceremonial state powers carries out the function of the head of state.The function of the head of state is the superiority and precedence of the President over all state officials. In accordance with it, the idea of the Republic of Belarus is personified. This function allows the President of the Republic of Belarus to be the main public representative and act on behalf of the Belarusian state both within it and in international relations. This is the result of the state obtaining the status of a legitimate state, the continuity and interaction of state authorities, mediation between them. The constitutional function of the head of state makes it necessary for the President to have instruments of power-state bodies operating within this function.

La sinistra e la destra nella Francia politica

2013 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Vincent Duclert
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Future ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Republic

The recent presidential elections in 2012 have shown that left-right cleavage was still dominant in France. The redistribution of political forces, strongly awaited by the center (but also by the extremes) did not take place. At the same time, the major issues, such the European unification, the future of the nation, the future of the Republic, the role of the state, continue to cross left and right fields, revealing other cleavages that meet other historical or philosophical contingencies. However, the left-right opposition in France structured contemporary political life, organizing political families, determining the meaning and practice of institutions. Thence, the question is to understand what defines these two political fields and what history brings to their knowledge since the French Revolution, or they are implemented

scholarly journals Afterlives of the Republic of Letters: Learned Journals and Scholarly Community in the Early Nineteenth Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-116
Author(s):  
Floris Solleveld
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Republic Of Letters ◽  
Scholarly Community ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Changing Role

Abstract What happened to the Republic of Letters? Its history seems to stop at the end of the eighteenth century. And yet, in the nineteenth century, there still existed a community gathered in scholarly societies, maintaining a transnational correspondence network and filling learned journals. The term indeed becomes less frequent, but does not go entirely out of use. This article traces the afterlives of the Republic of Letters in the early nineteenth century. Specifically, it investigates texts that attempt to (re)define the Republic of Letters or a cognate, the wider diffusion of the term, and the changing role of learned journals in that period. While most attempts to reinvent the Republic of Letters failed miserably, they indicate a diagnosis of the state of learning and the position of scholars in a period of transition, and in doing so they contradict an ‘unpolitical’ conception of the Republic of Letters.

RECONSIDERING THE AFFECTATORES REGNI

2015 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 224-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaclyn Neel
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Early Republic ◽  
The State ◽  
External Threats ◽  
The Republic ◽  
In The Beginning

In the beginning, Rome was ruled by kings. Their expulsion heralded the foundation of the Republic, a political system strong enough to withstand both internal and external threats to the state. Among these internal threats was the possibility of an elite man trying to set himself up as a king. Modern scholarship agrees that there were three such attempts to recreate a monarchy in the early Republic: Spurius Cassius in 485, Spurius Maelius in 439 and Marcus Manlius Capitolinus in 385/4. The affectatores regni purposefully courted the plebs in order to gain supreme power. But Roman virtue was too strong; all three men were caught, tried (either publicly or privately) and executed. Their possessions were seized and consecrated to the gods; their families shunned their memory. These attempts to establish tyranny revealed both the fragility and the power of the Republic.

scholarly journals The role of museums in the modern artistic process of Buryatia

2021 ◽  
pp. 32-41
Author(s):  
Т.А. Бороноева
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Values ◽  
Contemporary Art ◽  
Development Process ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
The State ◽  
Artistic Process ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Geographic Remoteness

Автор рассматривает роль государственных музеев и центров современного искусства в развитии изобразительного искусства Бурятии. В частности, показано, как решаются проблемы, порожденные географической удаленностью республики от культурных столиц России и сложившимся в русле академизма стереотипом «национального своеобразия». В настоящее время в Республике Бурятия достаточно заметны признаки активного развития современного искусства, поддерживаются молодые таланты. При этом автор отмечает, что ведущую роль в сохранении, продвижении произведений изобразительного искусства и художников играют именно государственные музеи. Именно там работы художников становятся музейными предметами — культурными ценностями, имеющими значение для истории и культуры государства и обладающими особыми признаками, которые делают необходимыми для общества их сохранение, изучение и публичное представление. The author examines the role of state museums and centers of contemporary art in the development of the fine arts of Buryatia. In this development process, it is important to solve the problems generated by the geographic remoteness of the republic from the cultural capitals of Russia and the stereotype of “national identity” that has developed in line with academism. At present, signs of active development of contemporary art are quite noticeable in the republic, young talents are supported. At the same time, the author notes that it is the state museums that play the leading role in the preservation and promotion of works of fine art and artists. It is in museums that the works of artists become museum objects — cultural values ​​that are significant for the history and culture of the state and possess special characteristics that make it necessary for society to preserve, study and publicize them.

scholarly journals Ideology and Values in Turkey's Foreign Policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 113-129
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
Traditional Values ◽  
The World ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey’s policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism». Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values». The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with “Western democracies”, which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism» and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values». Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture». Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect». In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».

scholarly journals ASP FISH -AN EXAMPLE FOR RAPPROCHEMENT OF "LEGAL AREAS"ON LAKE BALKHASH

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4(73)) ◽  
pp. 39-44
Author(s):  
S.A. Pavlova ◽  
I.E. Pavlov ◽  
O.O. Shelepova
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Management ◽  
Environmental Protection ◽  
Terrestrial Ecosystems ◽  
The State ◽  
Recreational Fishing ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Lake Balkhash ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Sustainable Population

In the Balkhash basin, an independent sustainable population of asp fish has formed, which is of great importance in industrial and recreational fishing. In the Republic of Kazakhstan, Lake Balkhash is one of the main fishing reservoirs. In the last decade, this region has experienced a powerful diverse anthropogenic and technogenicimpact, which has led to significant negative changes in aquatic and terrestrial ecosystems. The role of the state in the regulation of environmental management and environmental protection.

scholarly journals Trzy razy res publica: Thomas Smith, Gasparo Contarini i Wawrzyniec Goślicki

2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-104
Author(s):  
Iwona Barwicka-Tylek
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Tradition ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Civic Virtues ◽  
The Republic

The interest in Republican thought is on the increase again, now chiefl y thanks to the works of Quentin Skinner and the circle of so-called neo-Republicans (or civic Republicans) concentrated around Phillip Petit. They stress the peculiar perspective that Republicans have had on the state and society. This is seen in their distinctive view of freedom as the absence of domination, or attachment to the category of citizenship and the related role of civic virtues. These special characteristics justify, in their opinion, distinguishing the Republican trend of political thought (historically and now) from other positions, especially the liberal tradition. Accepting generally the above opinion, the paper draws our attention to signifi - cant differences within Republicanism itself. To do this, it cites the three conceptions of republic that were formed in the 16th century and refer to England (Sir Thomas Smith), Venice (Gasparo Contarini) and Poland (Wawrzyniec Goślicki). Although they were formed around the same time and have common roots mainly in Aristotle’s philosophy and Roman Republican ideas, each of the three perspectives views the republic from a different angle. While all three authors believe the coexistence of three elements – orderly institutions, wise law and virtuous citizens – to be crucial for any state, they rely in their deliberations on one element only. This has an impact on the way their conceptions fi nally appear and on the conclusions for the political system they draw. And so, Smith gives precedence to institutions, Contarini emphasises the key role of law and Goślicki gives primacy to virtue, concentrated in an ideal senator. Taking notice of such differences among thinkers openly admitting to an attachment to the Republican tradition should make us even more careful so as not to oversimplify it as if it were uniform and completely cohesive. Further, the awareness of such differences may provoke refl ection how justifi ed the use of the Republican banner is in respect of so different authors as, for instance, Machiavelli and Montesquieu.

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