Composite Congress. On Dispersal Patterns in Mathew Brady's Political Imagery

2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulich Meurer

Based on the ›patchwork‹ as a concept of (political) heterarchy, the paper explores the formal and medial space of M. Brady’s collaged group portrait of the 36th US-Senate and House of Representatives (1859). Poised between unity and decomposition, the image constitutes a congenial map of American politics, its specific relationism and ›proximal distances.‹ However, Brady’s subsequent work sees this lose patchwork disintegrate during the Civil War and then solidify under Lincoln’s paternal rule.

1985 ◽  
Vol 79 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
David W. Brady

This article reevaluates American realignment literature based on Clubb, Flanigan, and Zingale's (1980) admonition to focus on control of government and political leadership rather than electoral results. I put forward a theory of policy change in the House of Representatives which shows, like Sinclair (1977), that the effect of electoral realignments is to create a strong and unified majority party in the Congress. However, unlike other work that focuses on electoral courses, I show that structural features of elections created the new majority party in both the Civil War and the 1890s realignments. Specifically, I argue that in these two realignments a strong regional seats-to-votes distortion created the Republican majorities that enacted the policy changes associated with these realignments.


Asian Survey ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 208-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl-Heinz Kräämer

Under a nine-month state of emergency amid civil war, violence escalated and the human rights situation deteriorated. Dissent over extension of the emergency, and personal aversions between Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and party president Girija Prasad Koirala, led to a split in the ruling Nepali Congress Party. King Gyanendra dissolved the House of Representatives on the recommendation of the prime minister and called new elections for November 13. Gyanendra dismissed Deuba on October 4, as Deuba proved unable to hold the elections in time. The king assumed executive powers himself, nominated a new council of ministers, and delayed elections for an uncertain time.


Author(s):  
Craig L. Symonds

From 1850, the issue of slavery’s future affected nearly every aspect of American politics and government. That same decade also witnessed a virtual technological revolution that affected large segments of American society and also transformed the tools of war. ‘Steam and iron: the Civil War navy (1850–1865)’ describes the introduction of new technology at sea during the Civil War, including steam propulsion, iron armor, and exploding shells fired from ever-larger naval guns, many of them rifled, which dramatically increased both range and accuracy. There was also significant enlargement of the Union navy both in ships and the enlisted force, which allowed the U.S. Navy to play an essential role in Union victory.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 819-820
Author(s):  
Nicol C. Rae

The rise of partisanship in Congress has been one of the most conspicuous features of American politics during the 1990s. David Rohde's (1991) Parties and Leaders in the PostReform House demonstrated that much of this rise in partisanship could be attributed to the convergence in congressional voting between Northern and Southern Democrats. Since the New Deal, the latter had traditionally allied with Republicans on many issues in a bipartisan conservative coalition that generally dominated both Houses of Congress and constrained liberal legislative outcomes. While Rohde and Barbara Sinclair (Legislators, Leaders and Lawmaking, 1995) have emphasized how institutional rule changes in the 1970s created a much greater incentive for party loyalty among member of Congress, relatively little attention has been paid to the extent to which enhanced partisanship in Congress has been driven by “bottom-up” electoral imperatives. Stanley Berard's new book on Southern Democrats in the House convincingly shows that major changes in the southern electoral environment were equally important in promoting convergence in the voting records of Northern and Southern Democrats, leading to a more partisan House overall.


1977 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Brogan

Before he took over the management of the Economist in 1860, Walter Bagehot had not had much occasion to notice the United States, at any rate in his published writings. During the 1850s he had been too taken up with banking, and literary criticism, and expounding the value of stupidity in politics. To be sure, in 1859 he decided that the time had come to discredit the American example. The English were becoming disquietingly interested in democracy, a system as to which he had all the usual mid-Victorian doubts and a few extra. So he told the world, through the National Review (which struggling Unitarian quarterly he edited) that the vulgar American voters sent only vulgar men to Congress: “ men of refinement shrink from the House of Representatives as from a parish vestry ”; and that America was too unlike England to be a safe model. Then, just as he became editor of the Economist, the secession crisis and the Civil War erupted. It was incumbent on him to pronounce on these events, and it would have been most uncharacteristic of this sunny, self-confident man to shirk such a responsibility.


1992 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 351
Author(s):  
W. Kirk Wood ◽  
Lloyd E. Ambrosius

Subject 'Brexit' polling. Significance On June 23, the pound swung wildly: final polls on whether the United Kingdom should leave the EU ('Brexit') had shown a 4-percentage-point lead for 'Remain', only for the final result to be the opposite. Pollsters have been criticised for their failure to predict both this result and the 2015 UK general election outcome, even as qualitative analysts have also been criticised for missing the results. Impacts The US presidential election is immune from most polling failures, given its hyper-coverage and the discrete decisions of swing states. US Senate and House of Representatives elections are much more difficult to poll, leading to likely market volatility in early November. Changes in communication methods are sparking debates about how a representative sample of the population can be reached best.


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