scholarly journals Review of Gestures of Concern by Chris Ingraham (Duke University Press)

Lateral ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Dib

Chris Ingraham’s Gestures of Concern considers how affective communities can be built by and through concerned gestures. His analysis of the political power of a range of these gestures—from the small tokens of get-well cards to the political protests against shuttered public resources such as libraries—emphasizes their affect as much as their action. Ingraham pays attention to the background of concerned gestures that are political, aesthetic, and community-based, and his analysis of their efficacy and their impact draws readers to consider different kinds of critical resistance in the face of growing social disparities.

1965 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 358-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cho-Yun Hsu

The consolidation of China did not come immediately with China's unification. It was not fully accomplished until the middle of the Former (Western) Han. The monolithic2 nature of the political powers and a group of local elite3 were then forming. And the bureaucracy, becoming much elaborated during this era, served to link the two. The elite group functioned, on the one hand as the reservoir of candidates to officialdom, and on the other hand, as the leading element with education, prestige, and often wealth, in the community. Based on these concepts, this paper ventures to present the formation of the local elite group through the changing social base of political power during Western Han.


Author(s):  
Ummi Sumbulah

<p>Javanese Islam has a character and a unique religious expressions. This is because the spread of Islam in Java, more dominant takes the form of acculturation, both absorbing and dialogical. The pattern of Islam and Javanese acculturation, as well as can be seen on the expression of the Java community, is also supported by the political power of Islamic kingdom of Java, especially Mataram which had brought Islam to the Javanese cosmology Hinduism and Buddhism. Although there are f luctuations in the relation of Islam to the Javanese culture, especially the era of the 19th century, but the face looks acculturative Javanese Islam dominant in almost every religious expressions Muslim communities in this region, so the aspect of ”syncretic” and tolerance of religions into one distinctive cultural character of Javanese Islam.</p> <p> </p> <p>Agama Islam di Jawa memiliki karakter dan ekspresi keberagamaan yang unik. Hal ini karena penyebaran Islam di Jawa, lebih dominan mengambil bentuk akultrasi, baik yang bersifat menyerap maupun dialogis. Pola akulturasi Islam dan budaya Jawa, di samping bisa dilihat pada ekspresi masyarakat Jawa, juga didukung dengan kekuasaan politik kerajaan Islam Jawa, terutama Mataram yang berhasil mempertemukan Islam Jawa dengan kosmologi Hinduisme dan Budhisme. Kendati ada fluktuasi relasi Islam dengan budaya Jawa terutama era abad ke 19-an, namun wajah Islam Jawa yang akulturatif terlihat dominan dalam hampir setiap ekspresi keberagamaan masyarakat muslim di wilayah ini, sehingga ”sinkretisme” dan toleransi agama-agama menjadi satu watak budaya yang khas bagi Islam Jawa.</p><br />


Sexualities ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-380
Author(s):  
Emer O’Toole

This article uses the activism of drag queen Panti Bliss during Ireland’s marriage equality campaign to revisit two of the foundational debates of performativity theory: namely, the contentious political and ontological status of drag and the function of the exemplary performative “I do.” It attempts to answer Judith Butler’s provocative question: “what happens to the performative when its purpose is precisely to undo the presumptive force of the heterosexual ceremonial” (1993a: 16). Taking account of concerns about LGBTQ assimilation, it argues that the gay “I do” creates new categories of inclusion and abjection, and, ultimately, new categories of the queer. It suggests, further, that the ontological slippage inherent to drag – often more than “just” performance, yet not quite constitutive of a performative identity – can help to maintain and reignite the political power of the queer in the face of hegemonic co-option.


1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-61
Author(s):  
Sarah Moselle

 The resignation of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in February, 2011 in the face of massive political protests and demonstrations prompted a flurry of media attention in Canada. Popular media outlets were rife with speculation regarding the political future of Egypt’s foremost Islamist party, the Muslim Brotherhood. This article reports findings of an analysis of three news articles published in each of Canada’s two leading national English-language newspapers, the Globe and Mail and the National Post, in February 2011, using the key terms "Muslim Brotherhood" and "Egyptian Revolution." This analysis revealed a deep ambivalence regarding the place of secularism within democracy. In order to promote their respective ideological agendas of "open" and "closed" secularism respectively, the Globe and Mail and the National Post suppressed the historical and political complexities that facilitated the growth of the Muslim Brotherhood and differentiate it from other Islamist parties. This article highlights those complexities by examining the socio-political context that gave birth to the Muslim Brotherhood, the ways in which the Brotherhood differs from other Islamist parties, its response to autocratic control, and its relationship to democracy. In doing so, this investigation underscores the foundations of Canada’s ambivalence toward secularism at home and abroad.


2013 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-237
Author(s):  
Sławomir Buryła

Summary The article examines the representation in Polish fiction of the atmosphere of the political protests of March 1968. The relevant texts can be divided into two groups, those that were written about the time of the crisis and those that focused on the March events, as they came to be known, in retrospect. The former includes the anti-Semitic short stories and novels written by Stanisław Ryszard Dobrowolski and Roman Bratny - works whose profile makes them exceptional in postwar Polish fiction. The latter is made up of an assortment of fiction and memoirs.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Christine Adams

The relationship of the French king and royal mistress, complementary but unequal, embodied the Gallic singularity; the royal mistress exercised a civilizing manner and the soft power of women on the king’s behalf. However, both her contemporaries and nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historians were uncomfortable with the mistress’s political power. Furthermore, paradoxical attitudes about French womanhood have led to analyses of her role that are often contradictory. Royal mistresses have simultaneously been celebrated for their civilizing effect in the realm of culture, chided for their frivolous expenditures on clothing and jewelry, and excoriated for their dangerous meddling in politics. Their increasing visibility in the political realm by the eighteenth century led many to blame Louis XV’s mistresses—along with Queen Marie-Antoinette, who exercised a similar influence over her husband, Louis XVI—for the degradation and eventual fall of the monarchy. This article reexamines the historiography of the royal mistress.


Author(s):  
Mark I. Vail

This chapter situates the book in theoretical and empirical contexts. It provides a brief overview of competing theoretical approaches to explaining trajectories of economic reform in continental Europe in the era of austerity and transnational neoliberalism since the early 1990s. Since standard analyses of “neoliberal” reform fail to capture these dynamics of economic reform in continental Europe, as do conventional institutionalist and interest-based accounts, it argues for an approach that emphasizes the political power of ideas and highlights the influence of national liberal traditions—French “statist liberalism,” German “corporate liberalism,” and Italian “clientelist liberalism.” It provides a brief overview of the remainder of the book, which uses a study of national liberal traditions to explain trajectories of reform in fiscal, labor-market, and financial policies in France, Germany, and Italy, three countries that have rejected neoliberal approaches to reform in a neoliberal age.


Author(s):  
Christian D. Liddy

The exercise of political power in late medieval English towns was predicated upon the representation, management, and control of public opinion. This chapter explains why public opinion mattered so much to town rulers; how they worked to shape opinion through communication; and the results. Official communication was instrumental in the politicization of urban citizens. The practices of official secrecy and public proclamation were not inherently contradictory, but conflict flowed from the political process. The secrecy surrounding the practices of civic government provoked ordinary citizens to demand more accountability from town rulers, while citizens, who were accustomed to hear news and information circulated by civic magistrates, were able to use what they knew to challenge authority.


2019 ◽  
Vol 286 (4) ◽  
pp. 438-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. H. Shaw ◽  
L. E. Stiles ◽  
K. Bourne ◽  
E. A. Green ◽  
C. A. Shibao ◽  
...  

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