Role of Verb Argument Structure in L2 English Sentence Processing by Korean Learners

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 173-200
Author(s):  
Eunah Kim ◽  
Soondo Baek
Keyword(s):  
Sentence Processing ◽  
Argument Structure ◽  
English Sentence ◽  
Verb Argument Structure ◽  
Korean Learners

scholarly journals The role of performance limitations in the acquisition of verb-argument structure: an alternative account

2001 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNA L. THEAKSTON ◽  
ELENA V. M. LIEVEN ◽  
JULIAN M. PINE ◽  
CAROLINE F. ROWLAND
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Alternative Account ◽  
Verb Argument Structure ◽  
Performance Limitations

Affectedness and direct objects: The role of lexical semantics in the acquisition of verb argument structure

Cognition ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 41 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 153-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jess Gropen ◽  
Steven Pinker ◽  
Michelle Hollander ◽  
Richard Goldberg
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Lexical Semantics ◽  
Verb Argument Structure ◽  
Direct Objects

scholarly journals Neural Mechanisms of Verb Argument Structure Processing in Agrammatic Aphasic and Healthy Age-matched Listeners

2010 ◽  
Vol 22 (9) ◽  
pp. 1993-2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cynthia K. Thompson ◽  
Borna Bonakdarpour ◽  
Stephen F. Fix
Keyword(s):  
Sentence Processing ◽  
Argument Structure ◽  
Right Hemisphere ◽  
Semantic Integration ◽  
Neural Mechanisms ◽  
Angular Gyrus ◽  
Decision Task ◽  
Verb Argument Structure ◽  
Verb Processing ◽  
Structure Complexity

Processing of lexical verbs involves automatic access to argument structure entries entailed within the verb's representation. Recent neuroimaging studies with young normal listeners suggest that this involves bilateral posterior peri-sylvian tissue, with graded activation in these regions on the basis of argument structure complexity. The aim of the present study was to examine the neural mechanisms of verb processing using fMRI in older normal volunteers and patients with stroke-induced agrammatic aphasia, a syndrome in which verb, as compared to noun, production often is selectively impaired, but verb comprehension in both on-line and off-line tasks is spared. Fourteen healthy listeners and five age-matched aphasic patients performed a lexical decision task, which examined verb processing by argument structure complexity, namely, one-argument [i.e., intransitive (v1)], two-argument [i.e., transitive (v2)], and three-argument (v3) verbs. Results for the age-matched listeners largely replicated those for younger participants studied by Thompson et al. [Thompson, C. K., Bonakdarpour, B., Fix, S. C., Blumenfeld, H. K., Parrish, T. B., Gitelman, D. R., et al. Neural correlates of verb argument structure processing. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 19, 1753–1767, 2007]: v3 − v1 comparisons showed activation of the angular gyrus in both hemispheres and this same heteromodal region was activated in the left hemisphere in the (v2 + v3) − v1 contrast. Similar results were derived for the agrammatic aphasic patients, however, activation was unilateral (in the right hemisphere for three participants) rather than bilateral, likely because these patients' lesions extended to the left temporo-parietal region. All performed the task with high accuracy and, despite differences in lesion site and extent, they recruited spared tissue in the same regions as healthy subjects. Consistent with psycholinguistic models of sentence processing, these findings indicate that the posterior language network is engaged for processing verb argument structure and is crucial for semantic integration of argument structure information.

scholarly journals The wrong horse was bet on – The Effects of Argument Structure versus Argument Adjacency on the Processing of Idiomatic Sentences

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Reimer ◽  
Eva Smolka
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Sentence Completion ◽  
Button Press ◽  
Passive Voice ◽  
Figurative Meaning ◽  
Verb Argument Structure ◽  
Transitive Verbs ◽  
Structure Versus ◽  
Idiom Processing

Psycholinguistc research remains puzzled by the question under what circurmstances syntactically transformed idioms keep their figurative meaning. In this study we examined the effects of verb argument structure and argument adjacency on the processing of idiomatic and literal sentences in German. In two sentence-completion experiments, participants listened to idiomatic and literal sentences, both in active and passive voice, without the sentence-final verb. They indicated via button-press, which of three visually presented verbs best completed the sentence.In both experiments, idiomatic sentences were processed faster than literal ones, and active sentences faster than passive ones. In passivized sentences, the patterns of argument structure and argument adjacency reversed across experiments: In Experiment 1, sentences with ditransitive verbs were processed faster than sentences with transitive verbs, and vice versa in Experiment 2. This pattern corresponds to faster processing of adjacent than of nonadjacent arguments and thus points to the dominating role of argument adjacency rather than argumentstructure in the processing of passivized sentences. With respect to idiom processing, we conclude that the adjacency of the verb and its arguments determines whether passivized idioms keep their figurative meaning.

scholarly journals Testing the sensory hypothesis of the early left anterior negativity with auditory stimuli

2010 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Evan David Bradley ◽  
Arild Hestvik
Keyword(s):  
Sentence Processing ◽  
Auditory Processing ◽  
Argument Structure ◽  
Sensory Cortex ◽  
Grammatical Category ◽  
Closed Class ◽  
Phonological Features ◽  
Syntactic Information ◽  
Anterior Negativity

Recent work has shown that the visual ELAN is sensitive to morphological and phonological features of words in sentence processing, indicating that a) sensory cortex accesses syntactic information, and b) early parsing is not ‘syntax-only’. The current study examines predictions of this sensory hypothesis in auditory processing using EEG. Ungrammatical filled-gap NPs which contain closed-class functional morphology elicited an early negativity indexing unexpected grammatical category, while those without such morphology elicited an N400 indexing argument structure integration difficulty. These results extend the sensory hypothesis into the auditory domain, and prompt further questions about the role of form in structure-building.

scholarly journals Syntactic language processing: ERP lesion data on the role of the basal ganglia

2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (7) ◽  
pp. 1053-1060 ◽  
Author(s):  
SONJA A. KOTZ ◽  
STEFAN FRISCH ◽  
D. YVES VON CRAMON ◽  
ANGELA D. FRIEDERICI
Keyword(s):  
Basal Ganglia ◽  
Language Processing ◽  
Argument Structure ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Thematic Role ◽  
Neurologically Impaired ◽  
Brain Potentials ◽  
Verb Argument Structure ◽  
Extended Duration

The role of the basal ganglia in syntactic language processing was investigated with event-related brain potentials in fourteen neurologically impaired patients. Seven of these patients had basal ganglia lesions while 7 other patients primarily had lesions of the left temporo–parietal region excluding the basal ganglia. All patients listened to sentences that were either correct or included a verb argument structure violation. In previous experiments this type of violation elicited a biphasic pattern of an N400–P600 complex in young healthy participants. While the N400 may result from incorrect semantic-thematic role assignment, the P600 reflects the fact that verb information does not license the syntactic structure at present. Results of the patient experiment revealed a double dissociation: patients with left temporo–parietal lesions only show a P600, whereas patients with lesions of the basal ganglia showed no P600, but a negativity with extended duration that resembled an N400. The latter pattern not only confirms previous reports that the basal ganglia modulate the P600 but extends these results by showing that the N400 as a late semantic–thematic integration process appears partially modulated by the basal ganglia. (JINS, 2003, 9, 1053–1060.)

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