scholarly journals THE PHILIPPINES: THE CHALLENGES OF MORO AND LUMAD POWER-SHARING IN THE BANGSAMORO

2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 70-88
Author(s):  
Jose Mikhail PEREZ
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
History Of ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Philippine Government

Two self-ascribed ethnic groups—Moro and Lumad—are native to Mindanao in the southern Philippines. Both groups share a common history of oppression from Western colonialism, Christian resettlement, and capitalist interests where the former has waged a more organized insurgency against the Philippine government in the late twentieth century. Due to the political superiority of the Moros, the Lumads are often left marginalized in the various peace processes in Mindanao due to their accommodation to the Moro’s call for the creation of anautonomous region under an internal power-sharing agreement. This form of double marginalization against the Lumad promotes a sense of internal colonialism where such arrangements are only left between the Bangsamoro regional government and the Philippine national government, thereby forcing the latter to accommodate to Moro interests. Analyzing the text of the recent peace agreements between the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GRP-MILF), the article attempts to understand the conflict dynamics between Moros and Lumads under power-sharing and power-dividing measures. The article concludes that consociationalismin ethnically divided societies often lead to more ethnic cleavages if done haphazardly to favor certain interests while leaving ethnic minorities at a disadvantage. Keywords: Moro, Lumad, Mindanao, Bangsamoro, consociationalism, identity politics.

The plight of indigenous peoples within the context of conflict mediation, peace talks and human rights in Mindanao, the Philippines

Thesis Eleven ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 145 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sedfrey M. Candelaria
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Peace Initiatives ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
Philippine Government

Republic Act 8371 or the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA) was passed by the Philippine Congress in order to address the concerns of the indigenous communities which had received marginal attention through the past decades. Indigenous communities have also been displaced from their lands due to armed conflicts between government soldiers and secessionist groups, particularly the Moro rebels and the communist-led New Peoples’ Army. The Philippines has been privy to peace initiatives with these two groups for some time now. Political circumstances, however, and legal impediments have periodically stalled the peace processes. It is the author’s intention to focus on the predicament of indigenous communities as they seek a strategic role in shaping the content of peace agreements being negotiated by the Philippine government with the rebel groups. How have the indigenous communities made an impression on the two peace processes through the years? And, have the indigenous peoples’ rights been sufficiently protected in the context of the peace agreements? The author will draw from his own insights on the peace processes and agreements which have been negotiated and even tested before the Supreme Court of the Philippines.

scholarly journals Food and Nutrition Policies in the Philippines

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. 1733-1733
Author(s):  
Ana Kriselda Rivera
Keyword(s):  
Monitoring And Evaluation ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Funding Sources ◽  
Official Gazette ◽  
Nutrition Policies ◽  
General Outcome ◽  
Food And Nutrition ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Philippine Government

Abstract Objectives The objective of ths study is to identify and assess food and nutrition-related policies in the Philippines. It also aimed to identify gaps in the implementation of the identified policies. Methods To identify nutrition policies, two online public search engines were used – Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines and The LAWPHiL Project of the Arellano Law Foundation. Manual searching through the websites initially garnered 31 policies relating to food and nutrition. Excluded from the list are those which are primarily agriculture or industry in content. The remaining policies focused on nutrition promotion and enhancement of service delivery to improve nutrition outcomes. Results The Philippine government through its designate nutrition agencies have been responsive to the health needs of its people. Some policies have been lobbied for longer periods than others; while some which have already been enacted into national laws lacked updating. Common challenges to implementation are lack of monitoring and evaluation tools and resources, and lack of community awareness. Conclusions The general outcome of policy implementation is affected by political will on the local administrative level; thereby resulting to inconsistent action plans at the grassroots. Funding Sources N/A.

scholarly journals Peran Indonesia dalam Upaya Penyelesaian Konflik antara Pemerintah Filipina dan Moro Nationalism Liberation Front (MNLF)

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Hardi Alunaza SD ◽  
Dewa Anggara
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Max Weber ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Conflict Theory ◽  
World Peace ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Resolution Process ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Philippine Government

The Moro Nationalism Liberation Front (MNLF) has long been perceived by the Philippine government as a threat. The continuity of this conflict resulted in the instability of the Philippine state which also affects its relations with other countries. Indonesia as a neighboring country and one region with the Philippines helped to resolve the conflict between the Philippine government and MNLF. The presence of Indonesia became a history of Indonesian diplomacy for the world peace struggle contained in Indonesia’s Preamble of the 1945 Constitution. This paper is attempts to answer that question using conflict theory from Max Weber which focuses on interaction in conflict resolution. The results of this paper indicates that Indonesian’s role in mediating the conflict resolution process resulted in a Final Peace Agreement which is the final peace agreement between the Philippine Government and MNLF.Keywords: Moro Nationalism Liberation Front (MNLF), Philippine, Indonesia, conflict resolution, Final Peace Agreement, mediation

On the History of Formation of Modern Taiwan Stance on the Rights to Maritime Features and Area in the South China Sea

2021 ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Andrei D. Dikarev
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
History Of Formation

The article highlights the history of formation of the official Taiwanese discourse on the problems of territorial affiliation and legal claims to the islands in the South China Sea. Two leading political parties of Taiwan (Guomindang and DPP) have substantial differences in their approach to the sovereignty on the features in SCS and “historical rights” to the sea. Details are given about reasons for emergence and disappearance of the concept of "historical waters" in the Taiwanese law, which allegedly should have been subject to the jurisdiction of the Republic of China. Taiwan's activities on the two features in the SCS aimed at demonstrating their "effective occupation" are highlighted. Official stance of different administrations and its changes are considered in detail. While sharing the same approach to the status of Taiping island, Guomindang and DPP disagree on affiliation of all other land features in the SCS. When considering the interpretation of the notorious "U-shaped line" by Taiwanese politicians, a conclusion is made about the actual proximity of the foreign policy stances of the PRC and the Guomindang, which are based on the idea of the common Chinese identity, revealed by significant part of the Taiwan inhabitants. As for the approach of DPP to the problem of SCS, the determining factor here is the Taiwanese identity of its supporters. This further complicates the situation: the DPP, on the one hand, proclaims sovereignty over all SCS facilities to demonstrate unity with PRC on the issue of China's territorial integrity, on the other hand — pragmatically recognizes the impossibility of actual exercising its nominal sovereignty over the disputed territories. Thus an obvious contradiction between theory and practice in the Taiwanese policy is revealed. The nuances of Taiwanese attitude to the award of the Hague Tribunal on the Philippines vs China case are elucidated. The reasons of the tribunal’s refusal to provide status of island to the biggest feature in Nansha group are determined.

scholarly journals PERGULATAN MINORITAS DALAM NEGARA HEGEMONIC: STUDI KASUS MUSLIM BANGSAMORO DI MINDANAO, FILIPINA SELATAN

Dialog ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-118
Author(s):  
AHMAD SUAEDY
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
National Interest ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
Peace Talk ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Philippine Government ◽  
The Relationship

This article describes the relationship between political entities of the Bangsamoro or Muslims in Mindanao and of the Philippine government which may be said in a nadir since the cancellation of the MoA-AD (Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain) signing plans between MILF (Mindanao Islamic Liberation Front) and the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) by the Supreme Court of the country in October 2008. Now their relationship is only bound by the temporary cease-fire. While the actual MILF is the only one course of representation of Muslims in Mindanao in addition to the MNLF (Mindanao National Liberation Front) and Kelompok Datu or traditional leaders. This research deduces that the plurality in the Bangsamoro itself becomes an obstacle in the peace talk process as the absence of a common platform among them. While GRP tends to speak with the faction of it separately, so it was impressed monolithic, there should be efforts to build a joint platform among different groups within the Bangsamoro. Furthermore, the GRP should facilitate the communication and the dialogue among factions within Bangsamoro. Besides, the GRP should convince people in Philippines of how important the peace with Bangsamoro is on behalf of a national interest in a whole. 

scholarly journals The Realm of Federalism: Appreciation to a Prospective Shift on the Form of Philippine Government

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-101
Author(s):  
Daisy Luyun ◽  
Angelica Mamauag ◽  
Eladio Martin Gumabay ◽  
Darin Jan Tindowen
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Liberal Arts ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Transition Period ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Liberal Arts Students ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Philippine Government

The current administration of the Republic of the Philippines is seen as an ardent advocate of federalism. This research study purports to explore the appreciation and understanding of the youth – specifically the Liberal Arts students in higher educational institutions who have the knowledge on the government forms, laws, and history of our system of government as regards a possible shift in the system of government. This study utilized descriptive qualitative design through Collaizi’s method of data analysis. Findings show that informants having perceived the possible shift on the system of government of the Philippines, have led to three clustered themes namely: (1) federalism defined, (2) benefits of federalism, and, (3) possible challenges during the transition period. Moreover, it is concluded that informants defined federalism as a system of government where powers are being decentralized to the local government and the latter being independent from the national / central government. Standardized local legislation, increased economic status, and responsive local government were identified as the benefits of federalism. Lack of proper knowledge, constitutional proceedings and amendments, and, costly and time-consuming were cited as the possible challenges during the transition period on the shift in our system of government. We suggest that, in order to actualize federalism, there is a need to enhance governance capabilities through transparency and accountability and a clearer definition of local autonomy should be observed.

scholarly journals Peacebuilding Model of Third-Party Mediation in the Philippines: Comparing Malaysia and the OIC

2018 ◽  
pp. 1151-1157
Author(s):  
Shamsuddin Taya ◽  
Rusdi Omar ◽  
Che Mohd Aziz Yaacob ◽  
Abdul Lantong
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Nation States ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

Many nation-states have increasingly found themselves in a situation where they are unable to sort out their domestic conflicts without third party mediation. This is particularly true for a country like the Government of the Philippines (GPH) who has been fighting violent protracted internal conflicts for many decades against Bangsamoro revolutionary groups. Therefore, with respect to the above, the purpose of this article is to compare peacebuilding models of third party mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts with particular focus between Malaysia and the Organization of Islamic Conference, presently Cooperation (OIC). Its approach is primarily an eclectic, by concentrating on the strengths and weaknesses of the peacebuilding models of the third party mediation as employed by both Malaysia and OIC. The article is divided into two major parts. The first part discussed both Malaysia and OIC’s diplomatic approaches in dealing with the Bangsamoro conflict, while the second part explained inclusivity versus exclusivity of both Malaysia and the OIC respectively. The study found that Malaysia’s model is more durable and successful when compared to OIC’s. In fact, Malaysia’s quiet diplomacy and less confrontational approach with greater inclusivity were more effective compared to elitist and confrontational approach of the OIC’s mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts. Indeed, the Government of the Philippines and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GPH-MILF) peace process is one of the most inclusive peace processes in the world. It may have some who were left out in the peace process, but they were all consulted by both Manila and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) as opposed to OIC mediated Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front (GRP-MNLF) peace negotiations. Therefore, it is pertinent to conclude that there is nothing that resembles the inclusivity of the GPH-MILF peace process that characterized the exclusivity of the GRP-MNLF peace process.

The 2002–2004 Annan Plan in Cyprus

2019 ◽  
pp. 43-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neophytos Loizides ◽  
John McGarry
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Overwhelming Majority ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
History Of ◽  
Cyprus Conflict ◽  
Greek Cypriots

This chapter examines the 2002–04 Annan Plan for Cyprus, considered one of the most comprehensive peace plans in the history of the United Nations. The Annan Plan was conceived in an effort to secure agreement on a reunited federal Cyprus within the European Union. However, it was rejected during the two April 2004 referendums by the overwhelming majority (76 percent) of Greek Cypriots, although it was endorsed by 65 percent of Turkish Cypriots. The Annan Plan is significant for the wider empirical and conceptual issues it raises with regard to constitutional transitions and externally mediated peace agreements. The chapter first provides a background on the Cyprus conflict before discussing the constitutional negotiations around the Annan Plan and its unintended outcomes. It also highlights the broader lessons imparted by the process, pointing in particular to the Annan Plan’s provisions on power-sharing, sovereignty, security, and human rights.

scholarly journals State Of East Indonesia (1946-1950) From Netherlands Puppet State and Return to Indonesia.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anwar Firdaus Mutawally
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Mass Movement ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
Library Research ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

This article aims to explain how the government system and the history of the administration of the State of East Indonesia from 1946-1950. The method used in this study is a historical method with data collection techniques using library research. The State of East Indonesia (NIT) was formed through two negotiations, namely the Malino Negotiation and the Denpasar Conference in 1946. The system of government of the State of East Indonesia is held by the president, prime minister, and chairman of the parliament, while regional government is led by the king. The beginning of the NIT administration was passed with instability, political turmoil, and tenuous relations with the Republic of Indonesia. However, during the reign of the prime minister Anak Agung things changed and NIT was able to improve relations with RI and help RI to gain its sovereignty. In 1949, NIT merged into the state of the Republic of the United States of Indonesia (RIS). After becoming part of the RIS state, there was a mass movement in NIT and demonstrators asked for NIT to be disbanded and reintegrated into RI. There was resistance by Chris Soumokil and Andi Azis to stop the process of integrating NIT into RI by carrying out a rebellion. However, their efforts failed and in April 1950, NIT began preparations to rejoin RI. Finally, the State of East Indonesia was officially dissolved on 17 August 1950 when President Soekarno dissolved the RIS.

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