scholarly journals Bailataan ankarasti!

2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 74-94
Author(s):  
Noora Kallioniemi ◽  
Sami Hantula

Tarkastelemme uutisparodiaohjelma Frank Pappa Show’ta esimerkkinä 1990-luvun alun asiaviihteen ohjelmistosta, jota määrittävät uudenlainen faktan ja fiktion suhde sekä viihteellisen poliittisen julkisuuden syntyminen. Indieyhtiö Broadcasters Oy:n tuottama televisiosarja kommentoi ajantasaisesti lama-ajan murroksia, kuten piteneviä leipäjonoja ja kasvavaa työttömyyttä. Frank Pappa Show uudisti poliittisen viihteen kenttää nostamalla viimeisen asiallisuuden linnakkeen, uutiset, viihteen käytettäväksi ja totutti katsojat tulkitsemaan ironisia, satiirisia ja parodisia viestejä.Tämän kulttuurihistoriallisen tutkimuksen alkuperäislähteenä käytämme Frank Pappa Show’n jaksoja vuosilta 1991–1994 ja lisäksi ohjelmaan liittyvää lehdistökeskustelua. Näiden aineistojen avulla tarkastelemme kysymystä siitä, miten Frank Pappa Show’n televisuaalinen satiiri osallistui politiikasta käytävään julkiseen keskusteluun 1990-luvulla.Tarkastelemme keskustelun reunaehtoja, jotka kertovat ajan mediasta ja julkisesta keskustelukulttuurista. Frank Pappa Show toimii esimerkkinä uudesta television muotokielestä aikana, jolloin elokuvallinen ilmaisu ja musiikkivideoiden estetiikka levisivät televisioon. Nopeutunut televisiokerronta vaati katsojilta kykyä seurata muuttuvaa kerrontaa. Television arkipäiväistyminen johti spektaakkelimaistumiseen ja ohjelma kommentoi kriittisesti myös omaa mediaympäristöään.Avainsanat: mediahistoria, televisio, asiaviihde, satiiri, Frank PappaPolitical entertainment program Frank Pappa Show as a contemporary commentator on the 1990s recession in FinlandIn this article, we study the news parody program Frank Pappa Show as an example of how television programs of the 1990s that combine topicality and entertainment began to use reality-based audiovisual material as part of their programs. The relationship between fact and fiction changed and a new kind of political publicity emerged when the actions of politicians were mocked in a weekly carnivalistic television broadcast. The Frank Pappa Show commented on the upheavals of Finland's recession in the 1990s, such as rising unemployment. The Frank Pappa Show reshaped the field of political entertainment by raising the last fortress of objectivity, news, for entertainment use, and accustomed viewers to interpreting ironic, satirical, and parodic messages.As the original source for this cultural-historical research, we use episodes of the Frank Pappa Show from 1991 to 1994, as well as press discussions related to the program. Using these materials, we study how the program contributed to the public debate on politics in the 1990s.We study the boundaries of the debate, which tells about the media of the time and the culture of public debate. The Frank Pappa Show serves as an example of a new form of television at a time when cinematic expression and the aesthetics of music videos were spreading to television. Accelerated television narration required of its viewers the ability to follow changing narration. The mundane nature of television led to a taste for the spectacle, and the program also critically commented on its own media environment.Keywords: media history television, entertainment, satire, Frank Pappa

2021 ◽  
pp. 106-122
Author(s):  
Rikke Andersen Kraglund

This article studies the effects of the ambiguous accusations around Karl Ove Knausgaard’s novel in six parts, My struggle (2009-11). The novel’s portrait of a number of named individuals and family members brought the relationship between artistic freedom and defamation, responsibility, guilt and shame up for discussion, and initiated negotiations of collective norms and values in connection with autobiographical novels. An analysis of the rhetorical strategies behind the family’s accusations at the time of the publication, initially illuminates the ethical dilemmas the family helped to raise in the public debate. Next, the accusations in the novels themselves are studied and the article shows a need to consider how differently the accusations appear in and outside the novels, because the autobiographical novel establishes an ambiguous statement that is not found in the media coverage


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirjam Vossen ◽  
Lau Schulpen

Abstract This study investigates the relationship between media frames and public perceptions of global poverty. Building on a frame analysis, the paper reconstructs prevailing poverty narratives in British news articles and non-governmental organizations’ (NGO’s) advertisements between 2011 and 2013. Following this, these narratives are compared with the narratives that emerge from public opinion studies. The findings suggest that there is a strong connection between media frames and public knowledge and perceptions of global poverty. Both the media and the public define poverty in developing countries’ terms of destitute victims, lack of development and bad governance. Both suggest that the causes of poverty are internal to developing countries and imply that there has been little progress in reducing global poverty.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Juliane Lopes Ferreira dos Santos ◽  
Denise Silva Matias ◽  
Nauana Nascimento Novais

Introduction: In 2015 Brazil was surprised by an increase in the incidence of microcephaly, related by the Ministry of Health to Zika virus infection during pregnancy. This theme, which was notorious for public health, reached wide popular repercussion through the media. Objectives: To describe the presence of the scientific paradigm in the discourse of health professionals, researchers or journalists who inform the lay public about biological causation. Methodology: All the news made available on the digital platform of the Folha de São Paulo newspaper, containing the key term "Zika and microcephalia" and published between November 11, 2015 and March 4, 2016, was performed. Scientific elucidation on the subject. The news items were classified as to the presence of certainty or uncertainty about the relationship between Zika and microcephaly in their content and the central idea in the subject titles. Results: Of the 387 reports analyzed, 51.4% related Zika as a causal factor of microcephaly, while 32.8% considered the presence of uncertainty in the relationship. It was verified that the newspaper privileged subjects related to the repercussions due to the diseases, being predominant the report of control measures. Considering the origin of the news, it was significant the use of official sources, presented in 82% of the news. Conclusion: The scientific paradigm was disregarded, ignoring the uncertainty principle and the scientific debate. The limitations of both journalists and health managers were also demonstrated in the elaboration of an effective communication with the public in emergency situations.


2010 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thierry Giasson ◽  
Colette Brin ◽  
Marie-Michèle Sauvageau

ABSTRACT  From March 2006 to May 2008, the province of Québec engaged in a contentious public debate on diversity and reasonable accommodation practices. This study examines the evolution of press coverage in eleven Québec dailies dedicated to the issue of reasonable accommodation over the intensive twelve-month period during which the concept entered the public agenda. We examine the “media tsunami” hypothesis, an expanded version of the media hype theory developed by Vasterman (2005). The hypothesis posits that the media, in dealing with an emergent social issue in a relatively short period of time, amplify the importance of the issue through successive waves of press coverage that gain in intensity and magnitude over time. In doing so, they can manufacture social “crises.”RÉSUMÉ  De mars 2006 à mai 2008, le Québec a été secoué par un débat sociétal sur la question de la gestion de la diversité culturelle et du principe d’accommodement raisonnable. Cette étude s’intéresse à l’évolution de la couverture du concept d’accommodement raisonnable dans la presse écrite québécoise au cours de la période intensive du traitement médiatique où le terme est entré dans le discours public. L’article examine l’hypothèse du « tsunami médiatique », une version plus étoffée de la théorie du media hype mise de l’avant par Vasterman (2005). L’hypothèse de la déferlante médiatique pose que l’enjeu en question est une création médiatique dont la couverture en amplifie l’importance sociétale et peut générer une inquiétude au sein de la société. Les données tirées d’une analyse exhaustive du contenu de onze journaux québécois révèlent que la couverture produite par la presse écrite de la question des accommodements raisonnables représente un cas typique de « tsunami médiatique. »


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 183-200
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Giereło-Klimaszewska

The contemporary functioning of the media is inextricably linked with what is happening in the world ofpolitics. The case of the Mafra corporation and the behaviour of its owner Andrej Babiš shows how throughthe interrelations of these two spheres the media can influence the shaping of political decisions, opinionsor preferences in the elections. The penetration of business and political interests, related informal layoutsand dependencies as well as high media instrumentation allow us to claim that today the process ofoligarchisation of the Czech media is highly advanced. This is connected with the increasing concentrationof ownership of media companies and intervention of the owners into the published content, but also withchanges in journalism itself. The media cease to be a “watch dog” controlling the authorities and caringabout the quality of public debate. Instead, they are creating reality, more and more openly, attemptingto manipulate the public, which results in less and less trust on their part and poses a serious threat todemocracy.


2004 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon Rodrick

This article begins by outlining what the principle of open justice is intended to achieve. It then investigates the nature of the relationship that exists between the courts and the media, and between the media and the public, and suggests that these relationships are not always conducive to realising the aims of open justice. While the reporting role of the traditional news media will undoubtedly persist, at least for the foreseeable future, it is argued that, since courts now have the means to deliver to the public a fuller and truer picture of their work than the media can, they should seize the opportunity to do so.


2019 ◽  
pp. 100-122
Author(s):  
Francis L. F. Lee

This chapter reviews the relationship between the media and the Umbrella Movement. The mainstream media, aided by digital media outlets and platforms, play the important role of the public monitor in times of major social conflicts, even though the Hong Kong media do so in an environment where partial censorship exists. The impact of digital media in largescale protest movements is similarly multifaceted and contradictory. Digital media empower social protests by promoting oppositional discourses, facilitating mobilization, and contributing to the emergence of connective action. However, they also introduce and exacerbate forces of decentralization that present challenges to movement leaders. Meanwhile, during and after the Umbrella Movement, one can also see how the state has become more proactive in online political communication, thus trying to undermine the oppositional character of the Internet in Hong Kong.


Author(s):  
Alyce McGovern ◽  
Nickie D. Phillips

The relationship between the police and the media is complex, multidimensional, and contingent. Since the development of modern-day policing, the police and the media have interacted with one another in some way, shape, or form. The relationship has often been described as symbiotic, and can be characterized as ebbing and flowing in terms of the power dynamics that exist. For the police, the media present a powerful opportunity to communicate with the public about crime threats and events, as well as police successes. For the media, crime events make up a significant portion of media content, and access to police sources assists journalists in constructing such content. But the police–media relationship is not always cosy, and at times, tensions and conflicts arise. The increasing professionalization of police media communications activities has further challenged the nature and scope of the police–media relationship. Not only has the relationship become more formalized, driven by police policies and practices that are concerned with managing the media, but it has also been challenged by the very nature of the media. Changes to the media landscape have presented police organizations with a unique opportunity to become media organizations in their own right. The proliferation of police reality television programming, together with the rise of social media, has served to broaden the ways in which the police engage with the media in the pursuit of trust, confidence, and legitimacy; however, this has also opened the police up to increasing scrutiny as citizen journalism and other forms of counterveillance challenge the preferred police image.


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Burdsey

The triumphal track and field performances of British distance runner, Mo Farah, at the London 2012 Olympic Games were lauded both for their athletic endeavor and for their perceived validation of the rhetoric of ethnic and cultural diversity and inclusion in which the Games were ensconced. By analyzing coverage of the athlete’s achievements in mainstream British newspapers, this article presents a more complicated and critical reading of the relationship between Britishness, multiculture, the politics of inclusion and the London Games. Employing a Critical Discourse Analysis approach, the article shows that Farah was constructed and represented by the media using narratives that are familiar, palatable and reassuring to the public; and that sustain hegemonic models of racialised nationhood and dominant ideologies around sport.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 523-532
Author(s):  
Elsa Kristiansen ◽  
Therese Dille ◽  
Simon Tærud Day

This commentary uses the Norwegian Football Association’s COVID-19 crisis communication strategy as an example of how federations can take an active role and use their influence to guide and be proactive in the opening of a society after a lockdown. By paying close attention to the public debate and by interviewing the federation’s communication director, the authors outlined the four phases of the strategic crisis communication—and the consequences of them in Norway. While the first consequence was the postponing of the Euro Qualifier against Serbia on March 26 for the European Championship this summer, the lockdown changed the focus quickly, and the strategy became about getting all players back on the football fields. The authors elaborated on how a major federation can (and maybe should) take a leading role by using its “voice” in the media and public and expertise to aid reopening a society after lockdown.


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