Representasjon i nye storkommunar: Forgubbing og sentrumsdominans eller status quo?

2021 ◽  
pp. 201-228
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Bakke ◽  
Bjarte Folkestad

The 2019 local elections in Norway were the first elections to be held in 47 amalgamated municipalities. Earlier research has shown that geography is an important list-balancing criterion in national elections, yet it is an under-researched aspect of descriptive representation in local elections. In this chapter we set out to fill this gap. Using the representation literature as a point of departure, we study the effect of merger on geographic representation and investigate whether stronger emphasis on geography increased the gender or age bias of the municipal councils in newly merged municipalities. To this end, we use candidate data from all local candidates in the 2019 local elections (N = 54254) as well as historic candidate data for previous elections. We combine this with qualitative party interviews to shed light on the parties’ nomination processes. We find that candidates from the smaller municipalities are overrepresented on the party lists as well as in the municipal councils of the 47 municipalities. This is the combined effect of party nomination practices and voters’ preferences. However, somewhat surprisingly, increased emphasis on geography did not affect age or gender balance to any great extent. The results for the newly merged municipalities fit well into the national trend, featuring slightly older and more gender-equal candidate lists across time. Geography thus seems to have been an additional list-balancing criterion, on top of, and not instead of, gender and age.

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (68) ◽  
pp. 27-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Antónia de Figueiredo Pires de Almeida

Abstract Introduction The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women’s access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Luicy Pedroza

In comparison to other countries in the Latin American region, especially in Central America, support for democracy in Costa Rica is high –despite ups and downs in recent years. Still, regarding the challenges that immigration poses for the principles of democratic inclusion and representation, Costa Rica lag behind 11 countries in Latin America –and 35 democracies in the world– where immigrant residents have the right to vote in local elections. In Chile and Uruguay, the only countries in the region where support for democracy tops that observed in Costa Rica, the right to vote of immigrant residents even reaches national elections. With such a comparative background, this article addresses the question: how to explain that this democracy ignores the tendency to give the right to vote to resident migrants? The study reveals a society in which the narrative of exceptionality with respect to other countries of the continent and the formal primacy of nationality to political citizenship, allow tolerating a clear inequality between the political rights of emigrants and immigrants.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 892-910
Author(s):  
Jonna Rock

This article highlights issues pertaining to the Sephardim ([-im] is the masculine plural Hebrew ending and Sepharad is the Hebrew name for Spain. Sephardim thus literally means the Jews of Spain) in Sarajevo from the time of their arrival in the Ottoman Empire in the late fifteenth century until the present day. I describe the status quo for the Sephardi minority in post-Ottoman Sarajevo, in the first and second Yugoslavia, and in today's post-Communist Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The objective is to shed light on how historic preconditions have influenced identity formation as it expresses itself from a Sephardic perspective. The aim is moreover to generate knowledge of the circumstances that affected how Sephardim came to understand themselves in terms of their Jewish identification. I present empirical findings from my semi-structured interviews with Sarajevo Sephardim of different generations (2015 and 2016). I argue that while none of the interlocutors conceive of Jewish identification as divergent from halachic interpretations of matrilineal descent, they moreover propose other conceptions of what it means to be Jewish, such as celebrating Shabbat and other Jewish holidays, and other patterns of socialization. At the same time, these individuals also assert alternative forms of being Bosnian, one that includes multiple ethnicities, and multiple religious ascriptions. This study elucidates a little-explored history and sheds light on the ways in which historical conditions have shaped contemporary, layered framings of identification among Sarajevo's current Jewish population. This article is relevant for those interested in contemporary Sephardic Bosnian culture and in the role and function of ideology in creating conditions for identity formation and transformation.


Author(s):  
Graeme Mckinnon-Nestman

Microfinance is a movement which aims to promote financial inclusion and empower individuals through small loans (as well as other services) to finance business ventures in the developing world and beyond. Microfinance aims to meet the financial needs of individuals who are left out of the scope of more mainstream financial services, while avoiding the perceived shortfalls of traditional aid such as dependence. Along with the expansion of microfinancial institutions (MFIs) since the turn of the century and the proliferation of the internet, diligent and prudent management of these institutions has never been of greater importance. Though there is a lot of research on entrepreneurship, business, finance, andmanagement concerning more mainstream practices, it is clear that microfinance is at a frontier of modern commerce. Risk is basic to all business (as well as life in general) and in order for the microfinance movement to maintain its growth, it must be self-sustaining while maintaining its ability to assist meaningful development. This presentation will compare the risk management practices standard to MFIs now, as well as look at how risk is fundamentally different to small entrepreneurship in developing regions in comparison to developed economies. In doing so, it should shed light on the financing needs and realities of target individuals and see how MFIs in the status quo are able to meet them. From this we should seewhere the shortfalls currently lie and where things may be improved.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Demir ◽  
Maria Funder ◽  
Ralph Greifenstein ◽  
Leo Kißler

Diversity has become a desirable ideal in the late modern work-oriented society. In particular, diversity is a goal of large global companies, which have already implemented concepts for managing it. Is diversity, however, also an issue of co-determination? While focusing on diversity in terms of gender and age, we aim to shed light on the question of whether works councils’ policies are informed by diversity endeavours: How have gender relations developed in the context of works councils? How relevant is gender policy in the context of co-determination? How are works councils dealing with demographic change? Do they have concepts for it and how do they put them into practice? Is diversity merely used as window dressing or is there more to it?


NAN Nü ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-162
Author(s):  
Wanning Sun

Abstract The social problem of “leftover men” among the most marginalized members of China’s rural migrant population has become widely known, but how these rural migrants themselves talk about and make sense of their failures to secure a marriage partner is relatively less understood. Answering this question may also shed light on how socioeconomic marginalization makes an impact on rural migrant men’s masculine identity. This paper is a longitudinal study of a cohort of unmarried rural migrant men born in the 1980s. This study shows that the emotional experience of cohort members is marked by a mixture of persistent feelings of loneliness, bitterness, and dissatisfaction with the status quo of their lives, and a quiet yearning for the possibility – however remote – of “finding someone” in the future. The paper also points to “masculine grievance” as a useful concept for understanding how unmarried migrant men rationalize their emotional hardships.


Author(s):  
Nurit Bird-David

Although in many tiny-scale forager-cultivator societies, residential cores comprise intermarried siblings, this pattern tends to remain invisible in ethnography. This chapter explores general causes of this ethnographic neglect (e.g., a large-scale-biased register that sees a hamlet’s members as residents and breaks a population down in terms of gender and age). It provides scale-sensitive ethnography of locals’ notions of a “good marriage,” the local scarcity of spouses, and the sib developmental cycle, with emphasis on visiting one’s married siblings; all aspects shed light on the sibling residential cores. Claude Lévi-Strauss famously suggested that the development of human society is predicated on men trading sisters for wives, instantiating exchange logic and alliance between groups. This ethnography illustrates a far different pattern: that of sequential sibling marriages that shape and reshape the contours of the forager group.


Author(s):  
Serguei Kaniovski

Within the past seventy years, citizens have cast some twenty-seven billion votes in national elections across the world. This impressive figure would likely double if votes cast in local elections and referenda were included. Electoral participation is a mass phenomenon. However, what exactly motivates people to vote? The question of why people vote has been at the center of positivist political theory. Political scientists and economists have devised numerous theories for why people may or may not vote, in addition to gathering an impressive amount of empirical evidence on the determinants of electoral participation. This chapter offers a bird’s-eye view of historical trends in voter turnout, theories of rational voting motivation, and the role of embedding political or socioeconomic environments, as exposed by empirical research.


Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
Rahul Verma

The 2014 national elections were an ideological showdown between the main political parties with distinctly different visions offered to Indian voters. The BJP advocated a de-emphasis on statism and recognition whereas the Congress and many regional parties favored the status quo. Voter surveys of the 2014 election provide clear evidence of this ideological divide both among party members and voters of particular parties. The divide was furthered by Narendra Modi, the chief campaigner for the BJP, whose personal appeal was important to the electoral success of the BJP. Consistent with theoretical expectations ideologically motivated voters were more likely to participate in political activity around election time. They are also able to distinguish between the ideological vision offered by the various parties and coalitions.


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