Aktaion and a lost ‘Bath of Artemis’

1990 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 26-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lamar Ronald Lacy

Aktaion's own hounds devoured him, convinced by Artemis that he was a deer. This grim reversal, the great hunter who dies like a hunted beast, was the strongest element of the mythic tradition associated with the Boiotian hero and inspired numerous scenes in Greek art. Aktaion's Offense, on the other hand, received little iconographic attention before the imperial era, and Greek literature accounted for Artemis' hostility in a variety of ways. The chronology of the extant sources suggests a neat sequence of misdeeds, and the resulting succession of versions is the object of a well-established scholarly consensus. The information which survives is actually too scant and too fragmentary to bear so straightforward a reading, but a critical approach can suggest the outlines of more plausible, if less neat, picture.

1937 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-86
Author(s):  
V. A. Petrovykh

The harsh climatic conditions of the coast of the Tatar Strait make explainable the large number of patients with frostbite who passed under our supervision during the winter of 1935-36 and amounted to 2.8% (26 people) of the total contingent of inpatients. The variety of recommended methods for treating frostbite, on the one hand, and the relatively long recovery period for all of them, on the other hand, made us take a critical approach to the proposed methods of treatment. All currently existing methods are reduced to the treatment of frostbite areas with bandages; and on the locus morbi apply indifferent or slightly disinfecting ointments, or a similar property of a powder, or wipes moistened with slightly disinfecting solutions, for example, Sol. kalii hyperm. 1: 1000. The apparent similarity of the external manifestations of frostbite and burns inspired us with the idea of ​​conducting frostbite therapy in an "open way", which has long occupied a well-deserved place in the treatment of burns.


1935 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-235
Author(s):  
Anne Roes

Well known though the grylli are, we have still very little to say about their meaning and about their origin.Our knowledge of them, which has hardly increased since the days of Furtwangler, amounts to the following facts. Grylli were one of the most popular motives for the decoration of gems in Roman times; they remained in favour during more than three centuries. Several indications lead us to believe that some pro-phylactic value was ascribed to them; this may also account for their long popularity. In appearance they can as a rule be divided into two classes. Either they are a composition of various human and animal heads, sometimes with birds added to them, or else they consist of the body of a bird, generally a cock, to which heads and masks are attached in different ways. As the cock often is provided with a horse's head, we are reminded of the Attic hippalectryon; it is, however, impossible to trace their descent from Greek art, for we do not know of any more complicated Greek design that may have inspired Roman gem-cutters; the hippalectryon itself even does not seem to have lived down to the Hellenistic period. On the other hand, it is equally impossible to regard them as an original Roman fantasy. In the first place, their connexion with the hippalectryon, though distant, is unmistakable; secondly and chiefly, we know there were grylli before the days of Roman glyptic art. In the necropolis of Tharros in Sardinia have been found several scarabs decorated with motives closely resembling the Roman grylli. Now the necropolis seems to have been in use for a very long time, but Furtwangler believed, no doubt rightly, that the bulk of the objects found in it, and especially the grylli, must be dated rather early as they still show some of the traditions of archaic art. Our Fig. 3a is a good example.


1883 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 335-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ad. Michaelis

Of peculiar interest among the Arundel marbles of the Pomfret donation at Oxford, is a slab in the shape of a pediment, ‘in which there is in basso relievo the figure of a man as big as the life with his arms extended as if he was crucified, but no lower than about his paps is seen, the cornice cutting him off as it were; and this extension of his arms is called a grecian measure, and over his arm is a grecian foot.’ The marble thus described by George Vertue, the engraver, was first published in Chandler's Marmora Oxoniensia, Pt. I., Pl. lix., No. 166, but its importance was completely overlooked until the late Prof. Matz, in one of his last papers, published a better drawing and pointed out the artistic interest of the relief as a sculpture belonging to a rather early period of Greek art. On the other hand, the merit of the monument as an authentic document of Greek metrology was set forth, at my request, by my friend Dr. Fr. Hultsch, the author of Griechische Metrologie, whose views are repeated in my Ancient Marbles in Great Britain. The chief result of his exposition was that our relief unites in a most interesting way the indication of the length of a fathom (ὀρλυιά) of 2·06 or 20·07 m. with that of a foot of 0·295 m., which is not, as one might expect, the sixth, but exactly the seventh part of the fathom. As such a division of the fathom does not agree with the well-known facts of Greek metrology, Hultsch imagined that the foot on our marble might rather be a modulus used by sculptors and architects, and he observed that the recent excavations of Olympia seem to show the dimensions of some of the temples, particularly of the very old temple of Heré, to be based on a double measure, on a foot but little longer (of 0·298 m.), as well as on a fathom of 2·084 m. which, again, corresponds to seven of those feet.


1996 ◽  
pp. 389-403
Author(s):  
Moshe Idel

This chapter studies the divergences between Martin Buber and Gershom Scholem on the nature of kabbalah and hasidism and the appropriate methods for exploring their literatures. Guided by his phenomenological approach, Buber ultimately reached the view that hasidism expressed the quintessence of Judaism. Other types of Jewish spirituality, such as kabbalah and apocalypticism, were for him not essential components of the Jewish religion. In principle, Buber was looking for the perennial element in hasidism that could nourish his own religiosity. Scholem's historical and critical considerations, on the other hand, led him to a theological stance that defined most expressions of Jewish mysticism as authentic Jewish phenomena, in line with his pluralistic vision of Judaism. Buber's romantic posture is conspicuously different from Scholem's critical approach; indeed, Scholem himself pointed out that Buber had ignored some of the more distasteful aspects of hasidism, most strikingly its magical components.


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (5) ◽  
pp. 851-873
Author(s):  
Dieter Mersch

Abstract A critique of algorithmic rationalisation offers at best some initial reasons and preliminary ideas. Critique is understood as a reflection on validity. It is limited to an “epistemological investigation” of the limits of the calculable or of what appears “knowable” in the mode of the algorithmic. The argumentation aims at the mathematical foundations of computer science and goes back to the so-called “foundational crisis of mathematics” at the beginning of the 20th century with the attempt to formalise concepts such as calculability, decidability and provability. The Gödel theorems and Turing’s halting problem prove to be essential for any critical approach to “algorithmic rationalisation”. Both, however, do not provide unambiguous results, at best they run towards what later became known as “Gödel’s disjunction”. The chosen path here, however, suggests the opposite way, insofar as, on the one hand, the topos of creativity appear constitutive for what can be regarded as cognitive “algorithmic rationalisation” and which encounters systematic difficulties in the evaluation of non-trivial results. On the other hand, the investigations lead to a comparison between the “mediality” of formally generated structures, which have to distinguish between object-and metalanguages, and the “volatile” differentiality of human thought, which calls for syntactically non-simulatable sense structures.


1972 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. A. L. Greenhalgh

The subject of this article is the appearance in archaic Greek literature of the two basic principles of aristocracy as a form of government—republicanism and noble rule—and how they were upheld, augmented, qualified, idealized, and justified against the alternatives of monarchy and the aspirations of non-nobles either to join or disestablish the nobility as the ruling class. When Greek states emerged from the Dark Ages into the clearer light of history in the eighth and seventh centuries b.c., monarchy had almost everywhere given way to aristocracy. More or less exclusive groups of noble families had learnt, in Aristotle's phrase, ‘to take turns in ruling and being ruled’. The formation of the first republics required no change in the ideological climate of the unquestioning acceptance of the noble monopoly of wealth and privilege which we find in Homer and Hesiod, and similarly no change in this climate was required before republican governments were likely to be challenged. The Homeric nobleman's primary obligation, simply expressed in Hippolochus' parting injunction to his son ‘always to be best’, runs contrary to the principle of equals taking turns in ruling and being ruled, and it would not be surprising if many a Greek aristocrat acquiesced in being equal best only because he lacked the opportunity to make himself single best. And where there were narrow aristocracies which by their exclusiveness made permanent political inferiors of noble families which were the socio-economic peers of the politically privileged, as in Corinth under the Bacchiads or Mytilene under the Penthilids, there was likely to be a greater incentive for an ambitious nobleman to usurp for his own family the corporate constitutional superiority of his privileged rivals; and there might be correspondingly less ideological opposition from noble republicans so far as other politically unprivileged nobles would be constitutionally no less deprived under a tyrant, and might have much to gain in power and wealth from supporting the overthrower of the exclusive regime. The disappearance of Dark Age kingship of the Homeric primus inter pares type is nowhere likely to have generated all at once an ideology which made monarchy an anathema. The Homeric king is not even distinguished from the other nobles by a title which is not also enjoyed by the heads of other great houses, and the lack of traditions about the disappearance of kingship suggests that it was undramatic. On the other hand, because tyranny (in the basic sense of an autocracy established in a state which had been a republic) necessarily meant permanent constitutional inferiority for social equals, acquiescence in even a benign and initially popular autocracy was likely to wane once the possibility of constitutional equality had been discovered (however narrow the ruling circle of equals had been).


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-36
Author(s):  
Cuneyt Demir

Abstract Book reviews are important in offering guidance to prospective readers. What is expected from them is to be not only informative and evaluative but also unbiased and balanced. Therefore, the use of correct discourse is necessary to prevent asymmetrical domination of the reviewer, and to create a healthy setting to sustain credibility of book reviews in terms of prospective readers. In that sense, this study investigated two discourse devices, namely euphemism and dysphemism. Euphemism can be defined as polite and agreeable words or expressions that are used in place of harsh or offensive ones; however this research investigated if these expressions might lead to undue praise for a book. On the other hand dysphemism is a kind of language that uses disparaging and derogatory terms instead of complimentary or neutral ones. Reviewers may consciously or unconsciously use these linguistic devices in their critiques of books, however; the balance between them is of great importance because any unbalanced negative or positive critical act may bring about unfair judgements in would-be readers regarding the quality of the mentioned book. The present study investigated a hundred book reviews and picked up euphemistic and dysphemistic expressions. The result is of importance in helping the book reviewers to choose the true word of expression without being unnecessarily soft or offensive. Any possible biases against a book because of book reviewers’ inattentive word selection may be prevented in view of the present study. Finally, this study is important for instructors of academic writing to increase their awareness for the importance of discourse devices in book reviews, which is necessary for sustainable development of education; in other words, instructors of academic writing at universities may rearrange their instruction curriculums through saving a slot for euphemism and dysphemism for prospective students.


2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 101-114
Author(s):  
Dragutin Avramović

Firstly, the author analyses the theory of sovereignty from the point of its birth and then he considers more recent theoretical challenges facing the notion of sovereignty in a globalised world. Particular attention is paid to soft law – that new, formally non-binding source of international law in the light of its factual influence on the desovereignisation of states. The author holds the position that the relativisation of the notion of sovereignty has been a process that began already in the 18th century and that has only additionally accelerated with new challenges posed by globalisation. The author argues for the only possible and proper use of the notion of sovereignty in its original meaning as an absolute, completely unlimited, and indivisible power. On the other hand, he takes a critical approach not only to the theory of constitutional pluralism but also to the ideas of the state’s legal sovereignty. He pleads for rejection of separating different aspects of sovereignty, artificially distinguishing between the factual and legal sovereignty, as well as the external and internal sovereignty. While theoretically possible, it is of no practical use because the notion of sovereignty can only be correctly understood as a political and legal illimitability. For all other various modalities and attempts at relativising and grading sovereignty, from the 18th century to this day, different terms should be coined. Being mindful of the situation in most of the present-day states, the author advocates the introduction of the term "pseudo-sovereignty".


2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Γεώργιος Γούλας

Η διατριβή ερευνά τις πολύπλευρες όψεις της ιστορίας στο καλλιμαχικό έργο, εξετάζοντας αφενός την ποιητική απεικόνιση της σύγχρονης πολιτικο-στρατιωτικής ιστορίας των ελληνιστικών βασιλείων και αφετέρου την ποιητική αξιοποίηση των ιστοριογραφικών κειμένων (γενεαλογίες, μυθογραφίες, εθνογραφίες, παραδοξογραφίες, τοπικές ιστορίες). Όλα αυτά τα ιστορικά ερεθίσματα ενεργοποιούν τα λόγια ανακλαστικά του ποιητή και αφήνουν ίχνη στα ποιήματα. Τα κύρια ερωτήματα που επιχειρείται να απαντηθούν είναι τα εξής δύο. Πρώτον, ο Καλλίμαχος είναι ένας αυλικός ποιητής που εξυμνεί τα «ιστορικά» κατορθώματα των Πτολεμαίων; Δεύτερον, ο λόγιος ποιητής βρίσκει στις ιστοριογραφικές πηγές ένα καινούργιο άλλοθι εγκυρότητας, αν όχι την αλήθεια, το οποίο παλαιότερα ο αρχαϊκός ποιητής αντλούσε από τις Μούσες; Η διατριβή εισάγει ως κύριο θεωρητικό εργαλείο ανάλυσης των προηγούμενων ερωτημάτων την έννοια της μεταϊστορίας, η οποία υποδιαιρείται σε μεθοδική και κριτική. Αφενός ο Καλλίμαχος στοχάζεται πάνω στην ιστορική μεθοδολογία, που θα πρέπει να τηρήσει για την έρευνα του παρελθόντος. Αφετέρου ο ίδιος υιοθετεί μία πιο κριτική προσέγγιση, όταν θα πρέπει ως αυλικός ποιητής να υμνήσει τους νικηφόρους πολέμους των Πτολεμαίων ή όταν θα πρέπει ως λόγιος ποιητής να ακολουθήσει τις συμβάσεις των ιστοριογραφικών έργων και να αποδεχθεί ως απόλυτες αυθεντίες τις ιστοριογραφικές αφηγήσεις. Αυτή η κριτική δεν παίρνει ποτέ τη μορφή της ευθείας σύγκρουσης και ρήξης αλλά γίνεται με συγκαλυμμένο και αμφίσημο τρόπο, ο οποίος περιγράφεται με τον όρο διττή αναγνωσιμότητα. Προτείνεται, λοιπόν, να ειδωθεί η χρήση της ιστορίας από τον Καλλίμαχο όχι αποκλειστικά ως επίδειξη γνώσεων ή ως μηχανή τεκμηρίωσης αλλά ως ένα πεδίο, όπου επαναπροσδιορίζεται ο ρόλος της ποίησης και κατοχυρώνεται η αυτονομία και η «σοφία» της ποιητικής τέχνης έναντι των άλλων πηγών και ειδών γνώσης. Δεν πρέπει να διαφεύγει της προσοχής ότι σκοπός του ποιητή είναι να γράψει ποίηση και όχι ιστορία, αντλώντας έμπνευση αλλά και κρατώντας αποστάσεις από τη χαώδη φύση των βιβλιακών πηγών. Η λόγια ποίηση αναγνωρίζει εγκαίρως την αντινομία και τους περιορισμούς που κρύβει η διάσωση και εξήγηση του παρελθόντος μέσα από τις καταγεγραμμένες πηγές. Μία τέτοια αντισυμβατική στάση από την πλευρά του λογίου ποιητή ασφαλώς δεν θα μπορούσε να τη φανταστεί η επίσημη πολιτιστική πατρωνεία των Πτολεμαίων. Για τους βασιλείς η πνευματική ακτινοβολία του Μουσείου και η μεγαλεπήβολη συγκέντρωση βιβλίων και γνώσεων στην αλεξανδρινή Βιβλιοθήκη ισοδυναμούσε με θεμελίωση πολιτικής δύναμης. Αυτές οι βλέψεις της εξουσίας, όμως, δεν ενδιέφεραν κατ’ ανάγκην την ποίηση, η οποία είχε τα δικά της οράματα. SUMMARYThe thesis explores the multifaceted aspects of the history in Callimachus’ work, considering, on the one hand, its poetic depiction of contemporary political - military history of the Hellenistic kingdoms and, on the other hand, the poetic use of historiographical texts (genealogies, mythographies, ethnographies, paradoxographies, local histories). All these historical stimuli activate the literary reflexes of the poet and leave traces on the poems. There are two main questions which the thesis attempts to answer. The first is whether Callimachus is a courtier poet who celebrates the "historic" achievements of the Ptolemies and the second, does the scholar poet find a new validity alibi, if not the truth, in the historiographical sources which primarily the archaic poet drew from the muses? The thesis introduces as the main theoretical tool for analysis of the previous questions the sense of meta – history which is subdivided into methodical and critical. On the one hand, Callimachus reflects on the historical methodology, which should be respected for the research of the past. On the other hand, he adopts a more critical approach, in cases when, as a courtier poet, he has to praise the victorious wars of Ptolemy or when, as a scholar poet, he has to follow the conventions of historiographical works and accept the historiographical narratives as absolute authorities. This criticism never takes the form of direct conflict and rupture but it is conducted in a disguised and ambiguous manner, which is described by the term dual readability. It is proposed, therefore, that the use of history by Callimachus has to be seen not exclusively as a demonstration of knowledge or a mechanism of documentation but as a field, in which the role of poetry is redefined and the autonomy and "wisdom" of the poetic art against other sources and kinds of knowledge is guaranteed. It should also be considered that the purpose of the poet is to write poetry and not history, drawing inspiration but also keeping his distance from the chaotic nature of bookish sources. The literary poetry recognizes the contradiction and the limitations which the preservation and interpretation of the past through


1937 ◽  
Vol 31 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 182-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. T. Stevens

The language of Greek Tragedy can be considered as a whole by virtue of the characteristics which distinguish it from that of other branches of Greek literature, and the resemblance between the three tragedians in this respect is more noticeable than the differences. Still, if we compare Aeschylus and Euripides it is impossible not to feel a marked change of tone, in λ⋯ξις as in δι⋯νοια and ἤθη. As in E. the familiar legends are frequently set in a more everyday atmosphere and the characters cast in a less heroic mould, it is natural that the tone of the language should be lowered, partly by the frequent use of distinctively prosaic expressions and partly by the introduction of what appear to be colloquialisms. This change of tone in language was at once noted by Aristophanes and is referred to by Aristotle as an innovation of E. On the other hand E.'s style presents a certain anomaly, since while deliberately securing a closer approximation to the language of prose and ordinary conversation he also shows a poetic and archaizing tendency in the use of Aeschylean and Homeric words and forms not found in Sophocles. This may be due to a reluctance to depart too far from the poetic tradition of Greek tragedy, and possibly to a scholar's interest in the language of Aeschylus and Homer, in a minor degree a foreshadowing of the learned archaism of the Alexandrian poets.


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