The Costumbrista Movement in Mexico

PMLA ◽  
1935 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 290-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jefferson Rea Spell

When the liberal journalist Fernández de Lizardi found himself barred from further discussion of political conditions, at the close of the first brief term of freedom of the press in Mexico in 1812, he turned to descriptions of manners and customs as a means of reaching his public, not with the intention of furnishing entertainment but, like Larra two decades later, with the hope of effecting reforms. Under cover of this type of material, which seemed perfectly harmless to the censors, he portrayed in his El Pensador mexicano, during 1813 and 1814, social and educational conditions as they then existed in the capital of the viceroyalty. When this avenue of expression was gradually closed to him after 1814 by the absolutist régime, Lizardi resorted to fiction; in his three realistic novels, picaresque in form but replete with costumbrista material, he accomplished for Mexico City what Mesonero Romanos futilely planned some years later to do for Madrid through the picaresque novel. Under the free press in 1820 Lizardi turned from fiction to a defense of the constitution; in El Conductor eléctrico he published many articles similar in tone and purpose to Miñano's Cartas, which appeared in Madrid in the same year; but he contributed nothing further toward the development of the satirical sketch on manners. When the more finished costumbrista article made its appearance in Mexico almost twenty years later, the revival of the form was due, not to native initiative, but to Spanish models. The Mexican literary periodicals in which these were published coincided both in content and in point of time with their Spanish prototypes; those in which fully developed costumbrista essays appear date, in the mother country from the opening, in Mexico from the close, of the third decade.

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-208
Author(s):  
Khalil M. Habib

AbstractAccording to Tocqueville, the freedom of the press, which he treats as an extension of the freedom of speech, is a primary constituent element of liberty. Tocqueville treats the freedom of the press in relation to and as an extension of the right to assemble and govern one’s own affairs, both of which he argues are essential to preserving liberty in a free society. Although scholars acknowledge the importance of civil associations to liberty in Tocqueville’s political thought, they routinely ignore the importance he places on the freedom of the press and speech. His reflections on the importance of the free press and speech may help to shed light on the dangers of recent attempts to censor the press and speech.


2021 ◽  
pp. 261-296
Author(s):  
Mark Knights

Public discussion of corruption was very important in shaping cultural norms as well as scrutinising and pressing for the reform of Britain’s domestic and imperial administrations. The focus of this chapter is on the debates surrounding the nature and extent of the freedom of Britain’s precociously free press to expose corruption. The chapter argues that there was a close connection between justifications for anti-corruption and ideological defences of a free press: freedom of the press and freedom from corruption often went hand in hand. Some critics argued that the press should not be shackled by those in office whose desire to restrict it was rooted in a concern to screen themselves. But officials (in both domestic and imperial contexts) often had a very different view, seeing the press as seditious, libellous, and destructive of authority. This tension existed both at home and abroad for much of the period.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 554-566 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Flavin ◽  
Fielding Montgomery

The media can play an important role in the relationship between citizens and their government by acting as a watchdog and providing timely information about malfeasance and corruption. We examine whether citizens’ perceptions of government corruption are closer to country experts’ assessments in countries where there are higher levels of press freedom. Using data on citizens’ perceptions of government corruption and country expert evaluations of levels of political corruption for over 100 countries, we present evidence that the relationship between expert measures of corruption and citizens’ perceptions is heightened as the level of press freedom increases across our sample. These findings suggest that a free press can play an important role in bringing corruption to light, educating citizens, and potentially allowing them to better hold their elected officials accountable.


PMLA ◽  
1956 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 414-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jefferson Rea Spell

The Promulgation, in 1812, of the Constitution of Cadiz provoked throughout Spain and her domains a bitter controversy between the opponents and the partisans of that liberal and innovative body of legislation. Among the supporters in Mexico City was José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi (1776–1827), who, as soon as the Constitution went into effect there, established a sheet, El Pensador Mexicano (1812–14), with the avowed purpose of defending the new form of government and of praising its liberal provisions, particularly those granting freedom of the press and abolishing the Inquisition. His first article began with an exlamation: “¡Gracias a Dios y la nueva Constitutión que ya nos vamos desimpresionando de algunos errores que nos tenían enterrados nuestros antepasados!” But, in spite of the freedom of the press, the Viceroy ordered his arrest, and some months in jail dampened his enthusiasm; he continued, however, his periodical as well as its successor, the Alacena de Frioleras (1815), with articles of a less controversial nature, until the end of that year. Continually in difficulty with the censors after 1814, when the Constitution was abrogated by Ferdinand VII, he finally limited himself to the writing of fiction until the reestablishment of the Constitution in 1820. During this period he produced four novels, one of which, El Periquillo Sarniento (1816), is his masterpiece. While the characters and setting of this novel are definitely Mexican, with certain autobiographical elements, the mold in which it is cast is that of the Spanish picaresque. Like its prototype in general, the Periquillo is concerned with matters of a purely ethical nature; but this aspect of the novel is less impressive—in contrast, for example, with Alemán's Guzmán de Alfarache or the novels of Francisco Santos—than the wealth of ideas in regard to definite reforms that the author believes would contribute to the general welfare. These ideas, interwoven with incidents in the life of a picaro, did not originate with the author but reflect wide reading in many fields. To point out the sources of these ideas, and thereby fathom the intellectual background of Lizardi, is the object of this article.


1950 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay W. Jensen

After illustrating how the traditional Anglo-American concept of a free press has been undermined by the Romantic Revolt and the Darwin-Einstein revolution, the author suggests a starting point for the reconstruction of its principles within a contemporary framework. Mr. Jensen is on the Illinois journalism faculty.


1986 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 63-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Garrison ◽  
Julio E. Munoz

The authors present an overview of the state of freedom of the press in Latin America and the Caribbean, together with recent incedents of problems for journalists. A country-by-country synopsis is offered with some recommendations for easing the tensions between governments and the press.


Author(s):  
Yi Guo

In the final years of the 1940s, China was to have its last chance to realize press freedom. This chapter builds on Chapter 6, exploring the calls for press freedom that emerged in the 1940s and that echoed changes in the domestic and international situation. These calls were aimed at achieving proponents’ own political interests rather than the ideal of press freedom as a human right in itself. The motivations behind the Chinese Communist Party’s advocacy of press freedom during those years are explored as well as the fears that made many Nationalists wary of a truly free press. ‘Freedom of the press’ had become an instrumental concept used for political purposes, where a free press was not the intended outcome.


1954 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-400
Author(s):  
◽  
F. Haiderer ◽  
Marvin Alisky

During the last three months the short life of the London Daily Recorder was discussed and analyzed. At the end of March it changed back to weekly appearance and had to be sold some weeks later. The General Assembly of the International Press Institute met for the third time (in Vienna). Freedom of the press and the internal organization of the institute were main topics. In Bordeaux the International Federation of Journalists met for the second time. Lord Camrose (Berry), one of the British “Press Lords,” died in June.


Author(s):  
Sung-Shil Lim ◽  
Jin-Ha Yoon ◽  
Jeongbae Rhie ◽  
Suk Bae ◽  
Jihyun Kim ◽  
...  

The epidemiology of occupational injuries is reported worldwide, but suspicions of under-reporting prevail, probably associated with free press. We examined the association between freedom of the press and lethality rate of occupational injuries based on the most comprehensive International Labour Organization database on labour statistics (ILOSTAT) among 39 countries. The occupational injury indices, national indicators, and information on freedom of the press in 2015 were sourced from ILOSTAT, World Bank open data, World Health Organization and Freedom House. The lethality rate was the number of fatal occupational injuries per 10,000 total occupational injuries. The relationship among fatal and total occupation injury rates, lethality rate, and national statistics were analysed using Spearman’s rank correlation coefficients. Multivariable linear regression models with bootstrap estimation to manage non-normality determined freedom of the press associated with lethality rate. Freedom of the press was significantly correlated with fatal and total occupational injury rate and lethality rate of occupational injuries. Adjusting for national indicators, only freedom of the press was associated with lethality rate per 10,000 occupational injuries in the report of ILOSTAT. The lethality rate of occupational injury reported by each country might not reflect the actual lethality, but under-reported nonfatal occupational injuries, probably relating to freedom of the press.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladislav Yurevich Panchenko ◽  
◽  
Maxim Anatolievich Degtyarev ◽  

In Debate of the Sixth Rhine Landtag (Article One), Marx criticizes the distinction that is widespread in the minds of people between good and bad print. At the same time, the first one is a press, directed only to human passions, that is, capable of awakening only dark forces in society, spreading bad principles and encouraging bad moods among people; she does not disdain any means to achieve her goal, at her service all the advantages of offensive actions, for which there are no boundaries of law, laws of morality and honor. It has a powerful influence on the masses and is a difficult obstacle to the sober voice of truth. On the contrary, a good seal is a seal that is designed to contain and strengthen this society. Her tactics are purely defensive). According to Marx, such a division is beneficial only to opponents of the free press, it is only a pretext for the existence of various kinds of restrictions on freedom of the press. In this case, the censors will appeal to the thesis about the immaturity and imperfection of human nature, which must be kept in check in order to prevent it from expressing itself on the pages of bad newspapers, although nothing really perfect exists in nature.


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