IV.—Italian Prototypes of the Masque and Dumb Show

PMLA ◽  
1907 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 140-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Cunliffe

As the Italian origin of the Masque has been questioned in the latest and most elaborate investigation of the subject (R. Brotanek, Die Englischen Maskenspiele, Wien und Leipzig, 1902), it seems worth while to examine the history of the word and the circumstances of its introduction into English. Brotanek thinks that it came from the French, but it is to be borne in mind in the first place that the form masque is not found in sixteenth century English; and in the second place, that the French masque has never meant the performance but always the performer or the domino worn. Cotgrave gives masque as the synonym for “a maske for a woman,” but for “maske” without this qualification “masquerade, masquerie, barboire,” just as he gives for “mummery or mumming” “mommerie, masquerade, barboire.” Littré cites only one example of the use in French of masque for a form of entertainment, and that is from a modern author, with special reference to the English masques, which are elaborately described.

1905 ◽  
Vol 51 (212) ◽  
pp. 1-51
Author(s):  
W. Lloyd Andriezen

Science, whose high aim it is to investigate Nature, to under stand her secret workings, and thus to win for man the mastery of Nature, must set out with the conviction that Nature is intelligible, comprehensible, and conquerable. In the domain of biological science the problem of heredity occupies a position of great importance, one full of interest to every student of life. For the serious thinker who has not only looked backwards and studied the past of the human race but is inspired by ideals and desires for its future good, the subject of heredity provides an inspiring theme for contemplation and study. The development of our knowledge and the history of human endeavours to reach a complete understanding of the phenomena and conditions of heredity form one of the most interesting chapters in human evolution. Theories of heredity, like theories regarding other phenomena of life, have been expressed in three sets of terms: theological, metaphysical, and scientific. It required no skilled observation of early man to see that in the act of fecundation the male furnished the seminal substance, whereas the female seemed to furnish nothing except the receptacle or “mould,” in the form of the womb, within which the fótus was formed. Thus, what was more natural than to suppose that heredity was solely paternal, that the male element was the germ or seed, and the female organs the soil, in which, by some mysterious process, growth and development of the germ took place. This view of heredity has been expounded in the Manava Dharma-Sastra, one of the ancient sacred books of the Hindus (Delage, L'hérédité, 1903, p. 380). The same view, more or less modified according to the prevailing state of knowledge, was current among the ancient Greeks (Eristratos, Diogenes, and others). Galen and the school of philosophers of Alexandria also upheld the doctrine of the paternal factor of heredity, and thus constituted themselves the school of the Spermatists. Spermatist views prevailed for many centuries, and when towards the close of the seventeenth century Leeuwenhoeck discovered the presence of spermatozoa by the aid of the microscope, the spermatists had a season of rejoicing. Hartsoeker (1694) supposed that within the spermatozoon there was a little being, a human being, in miniature, with all its parts and organs complete, and figured a spermatozoon (highly magnified, of course) in which the little “homunculus” is to be seen seated within the “head” of the former with its arms and legs folded together in small compass, somewhat like a fcetus in utero. The theory of the spermatists was not destined to remain in undisputed possession of the field. The rival school of Harvey in the sixteenth century taught that the semen or sperm did not fertilise the ovum nor even enter the womb, but that it fertilised the entire constitution of the mother by a sort of contagion which rendered her capable of acting as the stimulus of development for the ova in the uterus, and Descartes, in the early part of the seventeenth century, entertained the same views. The ovists now claimed that all the organs of the future being already existed, preformed in miniature, in the ovum, as opposed to the spermatists, who claimed the same preformed structure for the spermatozoon. To the ovists, therefore, the act of fecundation was only an impulse or stimulus to development communicated by the male element to the ovum; the male contributed nothing material in forming the parts and organs of the fótus which existed, preformed in the ovum, so that the child was the product of the mother alone. Among the upholders of the ovist theory, in the eighteenth century were Malpighi, Haller, Bonnet, and Spallanzani. Difficulties, however, arose over both these theories of exclusive inheritance, for the ovists could not explain how the offspring sometimes resembled the father rather than the mother, and the spermatists could not account for cases of close resemblance between the mother and offspring, while neither could, again, account for cases of the mixed or blended resemblance of the offspring to both parents. The theory of preformation gradually lost its interest and its vitality, and received its death-blow at the hands of Wolff (1759), who, not only by theoretical arguments but by indisputable facts as to the nature and process of development of the hen's egg, demonstrated the baselessness of the fancies of the pre-formationists, whether of the spermatic or ovarian school. Finally, there gradually grew up in the nineteenth century the modem view that the male and female (germ and sperm) cells of the respective parents contributed in equal, or nearly equal, proportions to the constitution of the embryo, and that the environment and nourishment of the fertilised ovum during its growth and evolution in the womb was a third factor of importance, especially in the case of those animals which went through a long period of intra-uterine growth and evolution, as in the case of man and the higher mammals.


1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-76
Author(s):  
Edwin Jones

John Lingard (1771–1851) was the first English historian to attempt to look at the history of England in the sixteenth century from an international point of view. He was unconvinced by the story of the Reformation in England as found in the works of previous historians such as Burnet and Hume, and believed that new light needed to be thrown on the subject. One way of doing this was to look at English history from the outside, so to speak, and Lingard held it to be a duty of the historian ‘to contrast foreign with native authorities, to hold the balance between them with an equal hand, and, forgetting that he is an Englishman, to judge impartially as a citizen of the world’. In pursuit of this ideal Lingard can be said to have given a new dimension to the source materials for English history. As parish priest in the small village of Hornby, near Lancaster, Lingard had few opportunities for travel. But he made good use of his various friends and former pupils at Douai and Ushaw colleges who were settled now in various parts of Europe. It was with the help of these friends that Lingard made contacts with and gained valuable information from archives in France, Italy and Spain. We shall concern ourselves here only with the story of Lingard's contacts with the great Spanish State Archives at Simancas.


2013 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Yolanda Gamarra Chopo

The bibliography of Spanish international law textbooks is a good indicator of the evolution of the historiography of international law. Spanish historiography, with its own special features, was a recipient of the great debates concerning naturalism v. positivism and universalism v. particularism that flourished in European and American historiography in the nineteenth century. This study is articulated on four principal axes. The first states how the writings of the philosophes continued to dominate the way in which the subject was conceived in mid-nineteenth century Spain. Secondly, it explores the popularization and democratization of international law through the work of Concepcion Arenal and the heterodox thought of Rafael Maria de Labra. Thirdly, it examines the first textbooks of international law with their distinct natural law bias, but imbued with certain positivist elements. These textbooks trawled sixteenth century Spanish history, searching for the origins of international law and thus demonstrating the historical civilizing role of Spain, particularly in America. Fourthly, it considers the vision of institutionist, heterodox reformers and bourgeois liberals who proclaimed the universality of international law, not without some degree of ambivalence, and their defence of Spain as the object of civilization and also a civilizing subject. In conclusion, the article argues that the late development of textbooks was a consequence of the late institutionalization of the study of international law during the last decade of the nineteenth century. Nevertheless, the legacy of the nineteenth century survives in the most progressive of contemporary polemics for a new international law.


1860 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 544-557 ◽  

After referring to the earlier history of the subject, and especially' to the conclusion of Saussure, that plants derive their nitrogen from the nitrogenous compounds of the soil and the small amount of ammonia which he found to exist in the atmosphere, the Authors preface the discussion of their own experiments on the sources of the nitrogen of plants, by a consideration of the most prominent facts established by their own investigations concerning the amount of nitrogen yielded by different crops over a given area of land, and of the relation of these to certain measured, or known sources of it. On growing the same crop year after year on the same land, without any supply of nitrogen by manure, it was found that wheat, over a period of 14 years, had given rather more than 30 lbs.—barley, over a period of 6 years, somewhat less—meadow-hay, over a period of 3 years, nearly 40 lbs.— and beans, over 11 years, rather more than 50 lbs. of nitrogen, per acre, per annum. Clover, another leguminous crop, grown in 3 out of 4 consecutive years, had given an average of 120 lbs. Turnips, over 8 consecutive years, had yielded about 45 lbs.


1917 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 47-71
Author(s):  
Henry Elias Dosker

The subject is not of my own choosing. It was assigned to me by our Secretary, when he invited me last summer to write a paper for this meeting of the Society. The raeson for this request lies in the fact that, for the last dozen years, much of my spare time has been spent in special work on this engrossing subject, which is shrouded in much mystery. But we all know something about the great Anabaptist movement, which paralleled the history of the Reformation. We have all touched these Anabaptists in their life and labors, in the sixteenth century, in all Europe, but especially in Switzerland, upper Germany, and Holland. Crushed and practically wiped out everywhere else, they rooted themselves deeply in the soil of northeastern Germany and above all in the Low Countries. And thence, whenever persecution overwhelmed them, they crossed the channel and moved to England, where their history is closely interwoven with that of the Nonconformists in general and especially with the nascent history of the English Baptists.


1916 ◽  
Vol 62 (256) ◽  
pp. 1-108
Author(s):  
Charles A. Mercier

Through the kindness of Dr. Mercier we have been favoured with an advanced copy of the first instalment of a new work recently completed by him on the subject of Causation, with special reference to causes of death and causes of insanity. Owing to conditions now existing in consequence of the war, with, as a result, an extreme scarcity of suitable literary material for publication, as explained in the October number of the Journal, the Editors have had to face quite unprecedented difficulties; and they wish here to express their acknowledgments to Dr. Mercier for so generously coming to their aid in what may almost be termed a crisis in the history of the Journal. The second (and final) instalment of Dr. Mercier's book will appear in the April number.


1923 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-39
Author(s):  
R. H. Rastall

For several years prior to 1914 the writer was engaged in the study of the mineral composition of loose detrital sediments with special reference to the rarer minerals and so-called heavy constituents of sands, the principal object of these investigations being an endeavour to ascertain what conclusions, if any, could be drawn as to the source and past history of the material and their bearing on stratigraphical and palæogeographical problems along the lines laid down by Dr. Thomas in his well-known researches on the New Red Sandstone of south-western England. In those days the subject was still in its infancy, and there were no standard books of reference dealing with it, such as are now abundant: it was necessary to evolve methods and to learn the characteristics of the minerals in grains by experimental investigation and by reference to the comparatively few published descriptions then available. This work was carried out chiefly on the Lower Greensand between the borders of Buckinghamshire and the Wash, but a good deal was also done on the superficial deposits of the neighbourhood of Cambridge and elsewhere, and some of the results obtained on the last-named group were published. The study of the Lower Greensand was, however, still incomplete at the end of 1914. After the war, for reasons unnecessary to detail here, it was not possible to continue the investigation of this particular formation on a more extended scale, as had been originally intended, and the results attained up to 1914 were published in the Geological Magazine.


2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 46-60
Author(s):  
Abdul Azim Islahi

Muslim scholars of the sixteenth century continued the tradition of writing on economic issues. Their work, however, is characterized by the period’s overall feature of imitation and repetition and thus reflects hardly any advancement of monetary thought since the works of earlier Muslim scholars. This is clearly reflected in the two representative treatises on money: those of al-Suyuti (d. 1506), written at the beginning of the century, and of al-Tumurtashi (d. 1598), written at its end. The history of Islamic economic thought is a well-researched area of Islamic economics. To the best of our knowledge, however, all such research stopped at the end of the fifteenth century, the age of Ibn Khaldun and al-Maqrizi. The present paper seeks to advance this research and intends to investigate the monetary thought of Muslim scholars during the sixteenth century (corresponding to the hijr¥ years of 906 to 1009.) Beginning with an overview of earlier monetary thought in Islam to provide the necessary background information, it then goes on to note that particular century’s monetary problems in order to provide a perspective for the discussion of monetary thought among Muslim scholars. For the purpose of comparison, European monetary thought of the same period is also analyzed. Due to limitations of time and space, this paper concentrates on the relevant treatises and does not deal with the piecemeal opinions scattered throughout the voluminous corpus of Islamic literature. Thus, it focuses on al-Suyuti and al-Tumurtashi, as I could locate only their two exclusively monetary works. Hopefully this modest initiative will spur others to conduct more extensive research on the subject.


Belleten ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 78 (281) ◽  
pp. 167-200
Author(s):  
Osman Gümüşçü ◽  
Abdullah Uğur ◽  
Tülay Aygören

After the industrial revolution in Europa, the importance of one subject started to become particularly striking: Environmental Change. Environmental Change which has many components, has become day by day high point and investigated topic depend on growing population and needs of people. Although the results and the solutions concern all countries, research on this subject has unfortunately been limited to developed western countries. Deforestation is an important component of environmental change and it is on the agenda especially when tropical forests are discussed. Yet, forests are in danger in other region as much as tropical forests. As condition of rainfall and temperature is quite suitable in tropical region, this situation seems to be much more limited in many other regions.Deforestation is a controversial issue today particularly when tropical forests are under consideration. However, deforestation is also a vital issue in other regions of the world, and concerns not only the contemporary life but also the past that goes far back in history. Moving from this stance, this article studies the deforestation in the history of Anatolia, which hosted many peoples and civilizations throughout its history. The subject is handled with a close study of various deforestation records archived during the Ottoman period. The article studies the case of Hüdavendigar sancak that was located near Istanbul, which was rich with forests that could renovate themselves and inhabited great populations throughout history. In this respect, the conclusions derived from the case of Hüdavendigar sancak can be generalized for the whole of Anatolia. As understood from the Ottoman records, the increasing population and thus the increasing needs in sixteenth century Istanbul made deforestation an outstanding issue in that century. However, the subject has remained almost untouched among the academicians who benefited from the Ottoman archives. Thus, this study is the first one that handles this subject and can be taken as an introduction to deforestation in Anatolia of the Ottoman period.


1970 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
William J. Baker

‘No portion of our annals’, Macaulay wrote in 1828, ‘has been more perplexed and misrepresented by writers of different parties than the history of the Reformation’. In the early years of the nineteenth century, when polemicists turned to history more often than to philosophy or theology, the Reformation was the subject most littered with the pamphlets of partisan debate. Macaulay could have cited numerous examples. Joseph Milner's popular History of the Church of Christ (1794–1809) set the Reformation in sharp contrast to the ‘Dark Ages’ when only occasional gleams of evangelical light could be detected, thus providing the Evangelical party with a historic lineage; Robert Sou they, in his Book of the Church (1824), presented a lightly-veiled argument for the retention of the existing order of Church and State as established in the sixteenth century; and in 1824 William Cobbett began the first of his sixteen weekly instalments on a history of the Protestant Reformation in England and Ireland, in order to call attention to the plight of labourers in the British Isles. In the history of the Reformation, duly manipulated (‘rightly interpreted’), men found precedents for their own positions and refutation of their opponents' arguments.


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