National Party Organization and Congressional Districts

1963 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 633 ◽  
Author(s):  
Avery Leiserson
Keyword(s):  
National Party ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Congressional Districts

“Friends-and-Neighbors” Mobilization: A Field Experimental Replication and Extension

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-26
Author(s):  
Costas Panagopoulos ◽  
Kendall Bailey
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Field Experiment ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
National Party ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Southern Politics ◽  
Primary Election ◽  
Randomized Field Experiment ◽  
Experimental Replication ◽  
State Senate

AbstractKey [1949. Southern Politics in State and Nation. New York: A.A. Knopf] observed voters tend to support local candidates at higher rates, a phenomenon he termed “friends-and-neighbors” voting. In a recent study, Panagopoulos et al. [2017. Political Behavior 39(4): 865–82] deployed a nonpartisan randomized field experiment to show that voters in the September 2014 primary election for state senate in Massachusetts were mobilized on the basis of shared geography. County ties and, to a lesser extent, hometown ties between voters and candidates have the capacity to drive voters to the polls. We partnered with a national party organization to conduct a similar, partisan experiment in the November 2014 general election for the Pennsylvania state senate. We find localism cues can stimulate voting in elections, including in neighboring communities that lie beyond the towns and counties in which the target candidate resided, at least among voters favorably disposed to a candidate and even when voters reside in the home county of the opponent.

Women and National Party Organization

1944 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 895-903 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marguerite J. Fisher ◽  
Betty Whitehead
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
National Committee ◽  
National Party ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Research Committee ◽  
Social Trends ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Management Techniques ◽  
First Time ◽  
Status Of Women

For the first time in American history, the majority of the voters in the presidential election of 1944 will be women. That party managers have realized this fact has been evidenced by their special appeals to the feminine vote in campaign literature, public statements, and management techniques. Furthermore, in a growing number of cases, women have been entrusted with responsible functions in party organization which up to now have been reserved for men. To cite but one example in national party structure, there is the appointment for the first time of a woman to serve as secretary of the Democratic national committee.The unusual political responsibilities and opportunities which war conditions have made available to women bring up the question of the progress they have been able to achieve in national party organization during the years since the adoption of the suffrage amendment in 1920. In 1933, an analysis of the formal status of women in the national party organizations was made by Miss Sophonisba Breckinridge, and included in her volume, Women in the Twentieth Century, published as one of a series of monographs on “Recent Social Trends in the United States,” under the direction of President Hoover's Research Committee on Social Trends. As a formal measure of women's status in national party organization, Miss Breckinridge examined their participation in the national conventions and their position on the national committees of both parties from 1892, when they were first represented in a convention, through 1932.The present study carries Miss Breckinridge's investigation through the 1936, 1940, and 1944 nominating conventions. The data used in both studies were obtained from the official convention records and from replies of national committeewomen to questionnaires.

Stratarchical Party Organization and Party Finance in Canada

2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Coletto ◽  
Harold J. Jansen ◽  
Lisa Young
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Regulatory Regime ◽  
National Party ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Financial Flows ◽  
Political Finance

Abstract. Based on an examination of constitutional and other party documents, Canadian political parties have been described as stratarchically organized (Carty, 2002). We identify four models of internal party financial flows that correspond to different models of internal party organization. We then trace the financial flows into and within the four major Canadian political parties from 2004 to 2007 with a view to identifying the model of party organization that these flows indicate. Our evidence in some respects supports Carty's assertion that Canadian parties are stratarchically organized, but it also suggests that changes to the regulatory regime governing political finance have contributed to a centralization of power at the level of the national party and at the expense of candidates and local associations. This centralizing tendency is significant, as it may disrupt the bargain that underlies the stratarchical organization of Canadian parties.Résumé. À la lumière d'une revue des constitutions et de divers autres documents des partis politiques canadiens, ces derniers ont été décrits comme étant organisés de manière stratarchique (Carty, 2002). Nous dégageons quatre modèles de flux monétaires internes des partis qui correspondent à différents modèles d'organisation interne des partis politiques. Nous retraçons les entrées de fonds des quatre principaux partis politiques canadiens et leur distribution interne de 2004 à 2007 en vue d'identifier le modèle d'organisation de parti qui correspond à ces flux monétaires. Sous certains rapports, nos résultats appuient l'argument de Carty affirmant que les partis canadiens sont organisés de manière stratarchique, mais ils suggèrent aussi que les changements apportés au régime régulateur gouvernant le financement politique ont contribué à une centralisation du pouvoir au niveau national des partis et ce aux dépens des candidats et des associations locales. Cette tendance centralisatrice est importante, car elle peut rompre le compromis qui sous-tend l'organisation stratarchique des partis politiques canadiens.

scholarly journals Organizational and Ideological Strategies for Nationalization: Evidence from European Parties

2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 1499-1526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Borz ◽  
Carolina de Miguel
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Structure ◽  
Multilevel Analysis ◽  
Original Data ◽  
European Countries ◽  
National Party ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Organizational Strategies ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Party Development ◽  
European Parties

How does a party’s organizational structure affect its chances of becoming a national party? While existing explanations of party nationalization focus on country-level institutional and societal variables, we argue that aspects of party organization such as the degree of centralization of authority, ideological unity and leadership factionalism also matter. By bringing the analysis to the party level, this article provides a multilevel analysis of institutional and party organization variables and disentangles the effect of each set of influences. We use original data on party organization and party nationalization for 142 parties across twenty European countries. This research contributes to the literature on nationalization and party development by advancing organizational strategies which parties could adopt in different social and institutional environments.

Woodrow Wilson and the Democratic Party

1956 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur S. Link
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
National Party ◽  
Previous Knowledge ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Woodrow Wilson ◽  
White House ◽  
Party Government ◽  
Public Leadership ◽  
Legislative Branch ◽  
Responsible Party

Few Presidents in American history established so complete and far-reaching a control over his party as did Woodrow Wilson during the first years of his tenure in the White House.* Indeed, before the end of his first term he had become almost the absolute master of his party, able to effect revolutionary changes in party policy without the previous knowledge and consent of Democratic leaders in Congress and the country. He attained this stature in part by his methods of public leadership—his bold representation of public opinion and his incomparable strategy in dealing with the legislative branch. He won this position of authority also through less obvious and more subtle means—a systematic use of the immense patronage at his command as an instrument by which to achieve effective and responsible party government. Confronted by no entrenched national party organization and no body of officeholders loyal to another man, he was able to build from the ground up and to weld the widely scattered and disparate Democratic forces into something approximating a national machine. Let us see how he used his power to mold the character of his party, and with what consequences.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document