The Distributive Politics of Cold War Defense Spending: Some State Level Evidence

1996 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Rundquist ◽  
Jeong-Hwa Lee ◽  
Jungho Rhee
Author(s):  
Sean L. Malloy

This chapter illustrates how the April 6 action and the ensuing fallout helped to inadvertently launch a new phase in the Black Panther Party's (BPP) internationalism, while also highlighted emerging divisions within the party. As Eldridge Cleaver and his allies embraced guerrilla warfare, Cold War-inspired alliances with foreign governments, and an increasingly doctrinaire Marxism–Leninism, rejected both state-level diplomacy and what David Hilliard dubbed “an orgy of wishful adventuristic militarism” in favor of local community service programs supplemented by informal transnational solidarity networks. Questions over the role of anticolonial violence and the nature of the party's international engagements, however, fed growing intra-party tensions that left the Panthers vulnerable to both government repression and changes in the larger Cold War landscape.


1993 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 68-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Lapidus

The conclusion of the Cold War affords an opportunity to evaluate the consequences of America's defense policy of the last 45 years. Defense spending has a larger effect on the economy than the percent of GNP or number of Pentagon employees. Defense spending preempts scientific and engineering talent from other potentially productive endeavors, drains R&D funding, usurps money from infrastructure investment, and adds to budget deficits which in turn raise interest rates. In sum, defense spending diminishes productivity growth, and therefore slows America's economic standing relative to commercial rivals, such as Germany and Japan, which do not spend equivalent amounts on defense. It is quite probable that the rearrangement of our national priorities in pursuit of increased military strength has undermined the non-military dimensions of our national security in ways that outweigh military gains.


1994 ◽  
Vol 27 (01) ◽  
pp. 17-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Russett ◽  
Thomas Hartley ◽  
Shoon Murray

1999 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 1156-1169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas M. Carsey ◽  
Barry Rundquist

Author(s):  
Lily Geismer

This chapter demonstrates how the Vietnam War forced residents to grapple with the central role of defense spending in shaping the economy and labor market of the Route 128 area. The MIT scientists and Raytheon engineers who got involved in activities such as the McCarthy campaign and anti-ABM (antiballistic missiles) movement exposed their complex position about the dependency of their professions on defense spending. These attitudes challenge the assumption that residents of Cold War suburbs who worked in defense-related industries, regardless of partisan affiliation, were uniformly and reflexively supportive of national security issues. The decision of some of this contingency to voice their opposition to the war through electoral politics underscores their faith in the liberal ideal of working within the system to create change, which would have a reverberating impact on the direction of liberalism, the Democratic Party, and the antiwar cause.


2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 311-338
Author(s):  
Yamaguchi Wataru

Previous studies have proposed two different views as to how the beginning of the Second Cold War shaped Japanese diplomacy. This study demonstrates and reinterprets transformations in Japanese diplomacy experienced at that time, examining in particular the perceptions and behaviors of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, based on primary source materials of both Japan and the United States. Japanese diplomacy was slowly transformed as the international environment became harsher. Indeed, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan made the ministry aware of the Soviet threat, and Japan consequently started to increase its defense spending and make use of strategic foreign aid: these transformations might not have been radical, but were enough to cause the United States to perceive Japan more positively on security issues. However, the ministry’s attitude had been changing even before the beginning of the Second Cold War, inspired by jurisdictional disputes in the context of the diversification of security and the public approval of defense policies. The changes enabled the U.S.-Japan alliance to evolve into a much more complex partnership in the 1980s.


Explores the momentous changes that have taken place in the Russian national identity discourse since Putin’s return to the presidency Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 marked a watershed in post-Cold War European history and brought East–West relations to a low point. At the same time, by selling this fateful action in starkly nationalist language, the Putin regime achieved record-high popularity. This book shows how, after the large-scale 2011–2013 anti-Putin demonstrations in major Russian cities and the parallel rise in xenophobia related to the Kremlin’s perceived inability to deal with the influx of Central Asian labour migrants, the annexation of Crimea generated strong ‘rallying around the nation’ and ‘rallying around the leader’ effects. The contributors to this collection go beyond the news headlines, focusing on aspects of Russian society that have often passed under the radar, such as intellectual racism and growing xenophobia. These developments are contextualised by chapters that provide a broader overview of the latest developments in Russian nationalism – both state-level nationalism and independent, bottom–up-driven societal nationalism, and the tensions between the two are explored.


Author(s):  
Paolo Rosa ◽  
Adriana Cuppuleri

Abstract This paper analyses the military behaviour of Russia from 1992 to 2010. The method used is a combination of the dyad analysis introduced by Stuart Bremer in 1992 and the analysis of unit-level variables, which is distinctive of foreign policy analysis. We empirically test a set of hypotheses about the determinants of Russia's military behaviour in the post-Cold War period by considering the impact of changes of international variables – relative power, the presence of military alliance pacts, the territorial salience of the dispute – and state-level variables – the degree of democracy/autocracy and regime vulnerability. A bivariate and a multivariate analysis are carried out to explain the separate and joint impacts of independent variables.


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