The Status of Research on Representative Institutions in Eastern Europe

1980 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 275 ◽  
Author(s):  
William A. Welsh
Keyword(s):  
2002 ◽  
Vol 8 (7) ◽  
pp. 388-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Boyanova ◽  
A. Mentis ◽  
M. Gubina ◽  
E. Rozynek ◽  
G. Gosciniak ◽  
...  

Muzealnictwo ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 198-202
Author(s):  
Andrzej Szczerski

The establishment of new independent states in Central and Eastern Europe after 1918 not only brought changes in European geopolitical reality, but also initiated many cultural processes, stimulated by the need for modernisation of the region. They aimed at strengthening the identity of individual states based on their civilizational advancement. It was possible thanks to political independence, which many central European nations gained for the first time in their history. Their expected growth was not only to confirm their right of existence, but also of being among the leading states in Europe. Within the Old Continent the central and eastern part of Europe turned out to be a domain of modernisation par excellence. Here its progression, on the one hand, was most awaited, on the other – raised the greatest controversy. Arts and artists had their particular role in this process; it was their mission to spread the new ideas, calling for a change of the status quo. Instead of simply adopting the already existing patterns of modernity they tried, however, to work out their original concepts of reforms, based on an attempt to reconcile modernity with traditional values, which were found worth preserving within individual cultures. These processes were supported by representatives of both the avant-garde and the more moderate modernisation, which resulted in peaceful coexistence of radical programmes and endeavours to find conservative definitions of modernism. “New Europe” in the years 1918–1939 was in favour of modernity, pursuing consistently civilizational advancement, with the good use of tools brought about by the new political reality and, first and foremost, the national independence gained by many states in the aftermath of World War I.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 338-354
Author(s):  
Oğuz Polat ◽  
Zeynep Reva

Child marriage is defined as a marriage before the age of 18. In many countries, a significant number of girls still marry before the age of 18. The country governments and international communities are increasingly aware of the negative impacts of child marriages, but the actions to end the practice is still limited. Child marriage threatens particularly girls’ lives and health, and it limits their future prospects. Early marriages are not considered as a "problem" by the majority of the society where as it is a phenomenon that has been existing for long years in our country. It is observed that one of the most important sources of legitimacy of marriage is public accord and these marriages are realized mostly in the framework of this accord. Patriarchal and traditional social structure have unfortunately normalized and legitimized early marriages. It is necessary to hold meetings to create and develop awareness for implementation of Turkish Civil Code, Turkish Penal Code and Law on Protection of Minors. It will be therefore possible to ensure that children, families and people understand what kind of problems and penal responsibilities that early marriage of children constitutes Child marriage is a problem that prevents the exercise of human rights, undermines the status of women and deprive child from their main rights including especially the education. Their marriages are a field that must be struggled with in Turkey targeting social gender equality.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Dieter Gosewinkel

The subject of the book is the history of citizenship in its twofold meaning: as a legally defined, formal status of belonging to a (nation) state, i.e. nationality, as well as a bundle of rights and obligations associated with the status of citizenship. The book reveals the transformation of citizenship by examining the connection between its two aspects and the struggles for belonging behind them. Citizenship in this broad sense is examined in its development since the beginning of the twentieth century while concentrating on five key questions: First, to what extent is citizenship a measuring rod for inclusion and exclusion? Second, does the change of politico-social constellations better explain the development of citizenship than idioms of nationhood? Third, does citizenship confirm the thesis of a legal development gap between Western and Eastern Europe? Fourth, how is citizenship in Europe shaped by repercussions of European colonialism? Fifth, how does citizenship serve as a legal tool to establish social ranking of groups, particularly of women and Jews, in European societies?


2019 ◽  
pp. 141-147
Author(s):  
David Sorkin

This chapter studies how, in establishing Europe's boundaries, the Congress of Vienna ratified emancipation's division into the three regions of western, central, and eastern Europe. The Congress affected the status of Jews in western Europe only in bringing equality to the Jews in Belgium. In eastern Europe, the Congress brought territorial adjustments; the larger legal arrangements remained in place. In contrast, in central Europe, the Congress failed to bring unification and a uniform law for Jews. The German states became a mosaic of disparate laws. Many polities revived the ancien régime. Moreover, the dualism of “state” versus “local” or municipal rights began to emerge. Italy offered a similar profile of multiple states, disparate legal statuses, and in many states a resuscitated ancien régime.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katya Gusarov

Abstract Using the files from the Righteous Among the Nations Department at Yad Vashem, this article explores how Jewish women in German-occupied Eastern Europe used sexual barter with Gentile men, both non-Germans and Germans, to try to survive. It proposes that sexual barter be recognized as an expression of agency. Yet sexual barter has been stigmatized and corresponding testimonies largely excluded from the archives. Indications that sexual barter had been a motivation for saving Jews were not included in submissions for the award of the status of Righteous because the criteria for that honour require that nothing can have been received in return for saving a Jew. This essay seeks to problematize this rule, which misunderstands what it was like to live in hiding for both the rescued and the rescuers.


1979 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-92
Author(s):  
Robert Garson

Perhaps the greatest irony in the formative period of the Cold War is that the United States had to resign itself to the Soviets' domination of the very area in which it had at first chosen to challenge them, namely Eastern Europe. Yet America's ultimate acceptance of a Soviet hegemony in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Bulgaria and Hungary did not mean, as some histories of the Cold War imply in their omissions, that the status of these countries no longer concerned Washington. In the three years following World War II, American policy makers recognized that while they could not secure democracy or the “ open door ” in Eastern Europe, they could still develop policies for the area that could prove challenging to the Soviet hegemony. Their assumptions and expectations will be the subject of this article. It will show that the Truman administration believed that on developments in Eastern Europe depended the ultimate stability of the Soviet State itself. If the United States could arrest the growth of communism in the Soviet satellites, it could test the insistency of Moscow's power.


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