The Significance of the Baronial Reform Movement, 1258–1267

1943 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 35-72
Author(s):  
R. F. Treharne

The most significant feature of the baronial movement of 1258 is that it was the first deliberate and conscious political revolution in English history. The Angevin system of government, essentially a centralised despotism grafted on to the stock of a primitive national monarchy and growing within the framework of a feudal society, was transformed, at the Parliament of Oxford, into a limited monarchy based on written constitution. The entire power and authority of the crown, in every sphere of government, was put into commission and vested in a privy council of fifteen magnates, selected, not by the king, but by a sub-committee appointed by a committee of the great council; and for nearly two years England was successfully governed and reformed by this nominated privy council, which acted throughout in virtue of the mandate expressed in the Provisions of Oxford, regarding itself as representative of and responsible to the great council. In the king's own words, the Council of Fifteen treated him as a minor under their wardship, settling affairs of state without his presence, and without having asked him to attend, issuing orders without awaiting his authorisation, ignoring his views, and merely replying ‘Nous volons qe issy soit’, without any further explanation, when he remonstrated; they passed over his nominees for offices high and low, appointing others against his will; they used his great seal without consulting him, and denied him all use of it; in fact, they so far diminished his royal power and dignity that little or nothing was done at his command, and his orders were neglected as though it were the council that reigned.

2003 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
STUART CARROLL

The discovery of a document, until now hidden in an obscure Protestant pamphlet, presented by Charles cardinal de Lorraine (1525–74) to the privy council in August 1562, underpins recent work which shows the cardinal to have been an evangelical Catholic interested in reform and in reconciliation with Lutherans, both before and after the Colloquy of Poissy. This paper argues that Protestants feared Lorraine precisely because his interest in dialogue had the potential to split the reform movement. Publication of his five articles in 1565 was an attempt to embarrass him after Trent and to compromise his political rapprochement with the prince of Condé.


1987 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 523-539 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pauline Croft

On the afternoon of 7 July 1610, two petitions of grievance, one temporal and one spiritual, were presented to James I. According to the French ambassador, he received them with ‘un assez mauvais visage’ and uncharacteristically few words, although later the king permitted himself the tart comment that the petition of temporal grievances was long enough to be his chamber tapestry. Although James exaggerated its size, politically it was a weighty document, for among its complaints it set out the Commons' view that the new impositions, already bringing in around £70,000 per annum, were illegal. ‘With all humility’, they presented ‘this most just and necessary petition unto your Majesty, that all impositions set without assent of parliament may be quite abolished and taken away.’ To answer the grievance, on 10 July James turned to his lord treasurer, Robert Cecil earl of Salisbury, for a full statement. The speech which he then gave formed the basis for all future defences of the royal power to impose on trade made by crown spokesmen up to 1640. Salisbury described how, early in 1607, his friend and predecessor, Lord Treasurer Dorset, had proposed new impositions to help fill the empty royal coffers. The privy council, after discussion, decided instead to raise money on loan; but in October 1607 renewed rebellion in Ireland rendered the situation more urgent, and by spring 1608 it was apparent that loans could not meet the king's necessities.


Africa ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Cohen

Opening ParagraphThe importance of female title holders, especially that of the Queen Mother, is widespread throughout the state systems of Africa. Royal monarchical power and authority is often linked to a senior woman of the royal line, sometimes a real mother, sometimes not, who is the female counterpart to the male royal person. One writer has suggested that in Africa the monarchy itself involves not simply a King but rather a royal couple—the King and his mother—so that centralized authority is in fact inherent in a mother-son ‘royal duo’ (de Heusch, 1962: 145). The Queen Mother in such a view is not simply ‘important’ but an essential ingredient in the nature of royal power and authority, and therefore of centralized government as this has developed historically on the continent.


Author(s):  
James M. Scott

Abstract Performative speech-acts were used by successive Seleucid pretenders and kings to create the appearance of power and authority out of weakness. As we have seen on the basis of Mark’s Gospel, Jesus’ used performative utterances in a similar way, and, for that reason, he was recognized as a royal pretender by both sympathizers and critics alike. From the perspective of Mark’s Gospel, Jesus set about to create the kingdom of God by royal pronouncement. It was a matter of royal power as discourse.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 539
Author(s):  
THIAGO PEREIRA DA SILVA MAGELA

<p><strong>Resumo: </strong>Buscamos traçar um panorama do debate acerca da validade do conceito de Estado para o Ocidente medieval, bem como buscamos avançar um modelo explicativo para entendermos o Estado na Idade Média castelhana. Além disso, traçamos em linhas gerais, a constituição do Estado Castelhano até o reinado de Afonso X. O artigo finaliza propondo uma dupla fratura com as visões de que a Idade Média não teve Estados, bem como aquela que advoga em nome de um precoce Estado Moderno. O Estado Feudal castelhano está dentro da lógica de articulação da Sociedade Feudal.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Estado Feudal – Castela – Política.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract: </strong>We intend to delineate an overview of the debate regarding the validity of the concept of State to the medieval West, and, in like manner,we also seek to advance an explanatory model for understanding the rising of the State in Castillan Middle Ages. Besides that, we also traced , in a quite general way, the formation of the Castillan state until the reign of Alfonso X. The article concludes proposing a double rupture with the lines of thought that affirm  a non-States Middle Ages ,  likewise the one that defends a precocious Modern State. The Castillan Feudal State is located within the logic of articulation of Feudal Society.<strong></strong></p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Feudal State – Castile – Politics.</p>


1997 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 177-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. S. L. Davies

The 1530s always remained classic Elton territory, in spite of later and fruitful excursions into the Cecilian world and beyond. How distinctive were the thirties? Are we still justified in talking about a ‘Revolution’? In a historical climate which puts the accent on continuities, such talk has become unfashionable. Productive reform was characteristic of the Wolsey ministry, of the reigns of Henry VII and of Edward IV, and perhaps had its origin with Margaret of Anjou's regime. Equally historians are now very aware of the gap between aspiration and reality, the sheer difficulty of effecting real change, and especially in such areas as religious practice. They are also aware of how un-revolutionary in many respects were the succeeding years; of how many of the initiatives of the thirties were not followed up in the later year of Henry VIII or even in the otherwise revolutionary reign of Edward VI; above all of the Elizabethan regime with its avoidance whenever possible of confrontation and its attempts to recreate many of the ancient continuities. The thirties did represent a watershed in very many areas, did introduce changes which would be difficult if not necessarily impossible toreverse. But to try to make the thirties the fulcrum around which English history revolves is to invite refutation and the probability that the degree of real change will be underestimated as a result. Where, for instance, Tudor Revolution in Government deals with the particular it remains a remarkable work: inevitably sharpened by subsequent research, but none the less pointing in the right direction on changes in die financial departments, and above all in the evolution of a formal Privy Council.


2020 ◽  
pp. 213-228
Author(s):  
Joanna Sobiesiak

This article focusses on the interpretation of the history of the times of the Přemyslid dynasty, an interpretation that is present in Czech historical painting in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It takes a close look at the reign of the Czech king Vladislaus II (1140–1172). He was the second crowned Czech ruler at a time when there was no tradition of royal power and authority. This ruler was negatively assessed in medieval history writing that was somewhat later than his reign. However, in painting, which, after all, must succinctly transmit its message through symbol or allegory, King Vladislaus became a Czech hero. Linking his person to the Milan expedition, artists, who depicted this as an unambiguously praiseworthy episode in Czech history, showed the King as a key figure in those events. Vladislaus symbolized all the triumphs of the Czechs.


1902 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 133-158
Author(s):  
I. S. Leadam

The following paper is to be found in the Record Office, being No. 24 of the Star Chamber Proceedings of the time of Henry VII. It is not, however, a Star Chamber Proceeding in the accepted sense of the term. It forms no part of a litigation, neither is it a proceeding of the Statutory Court of the Star Chamber in virtue of its statutory or other jurisdiction. It probably found its way among the Star Chamber Proceedings proper by accident. It is evidently a fragment of depositions in a political case heard by the Privy Council. It may be that the Council, as was not unusual sat in the Star Chamber for convenience; or that a member of the Council, leaving the Council Chamber for the Star Chamber, took it with him and mixed it with his judicial papers. Possibly Robert Rydon, who acted both as clerk of the Council and of the Star Chamber, and who took these depositions, was the agent of the confusion. The depositions relate the movements of certain conspirators in a mysterious plot against Henry VII. the exact nature of which can only be guessed. In the year 1503, to which these events relate, the centre of political intrigue against the new dynasty was Edmund de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk. His life is set out in the ‘Dictionary of National Biography,’ and it will only be necessary to recall here so much as will serve to elucidate the story. Edmund de la Pole was the second son of John de la Pole, second Duke of Suffolk, by Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, and sister of Edward IV.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara A. Spellman ◽  
Daniel Kahneman
Keyword(s):  

AbstractReplication failures were among the triggers of a reform movement which, in a very short time, has been enormously useful in raising standards and improving methods. As a result, the massive multilab multi-experiment replication projects have served their purpose and will die out. We describe other types of replications – both friendly and adversarial – that should continue to be beneficial.


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