The Rebellion of the Earls, 1569

1906 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 171-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. R. Reid

A popular movement like the Rebellion of the Earls can always be treated from two distinct standpoints, the national and the local. Hitherto, the Rebellion has always been treated from the national standpoint, with the result that, so far as I am aware, there is no book dealing with the Rebellion alone. All accounts of it must be sought in general histories such as those named below. I would specially mention the chapter in the ‘Cambridge Modern History’ in which Mr. Law has anticipated all the conclusions which I have been able to draw from my own examination of the sources. The local point of view, on the other hand, has been almost wholly ignored, and affords more opportunity for investigation; to it, therefore, I have confined myself. I cannot pretend that the essay is exhaustive, as circumstances have prevented me from investigating the local sources, such as Corporation and Town Records, Parish Registers and the like. Nevertheless, this contribution may not be wholly without value, since it is based on a careful study of the material preserved at the Public Record Office and in the British Museum.

Author(s):  
G. W. Bernard

Bruce Wernham was born on 11 October 1906 at Ashmansworth, near Newbury, Berkshire, the son of a tenant farmer. He attended St Bartholomew's Grammar School, which he remembered with affection all his life, serving as Governor from 1944. In 1925 he went on to Exeter College, Oxford, and took a first in Modern History in 1928. He returned to study towards a D.Phil. His chosen theme was ‘Anglo-French relations in the age of Queen Elizabeth and Henri IV’, a subject that would remain at the centre of his interests for the rest of his life. After a year, he moved to London in order to work on the State Papers in the Public Record Office and the British Museum.


2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 507-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Großheim

Abstract We know that Helmuth Plessner complained about his anthropological magnum opus, published in 1928, being overshadowed by Heidegger from the beginning. When the latter, in turn, responded to Plessner, for example to his preface to Stufen, it was always anonymously; Heidegger never actually mentioned Plessner in any publication. Plessner on the other hand emphasized that he had developed his concept without any knowledge of Sein und Zeit, even though since 1924, he had shown strong interest in the yet-unknown colleague’s work. Thus, it appeared to the public that they philosophised independently of one another. In fact, the situation is much more complicated. This paper tries, above all, to identify the sources of the peculiar discomfort caused on both sides by the work of the respective other, as well as to delineate the philosophical effects. Notably in Heidegger’s case, not enough is known about this. Heidegger starts out, in the 1920’s, cultivating a strong anti-anthropological affect; however, after his triumphal success, both with his publication and in the institutional field, in 1927/1928, he finds himself in an orientation crisis; it is from this point onwards that traces of Plessner’s anthropology can be found in his thinking. Ultimately, Plessner will prove a serious source of irritation as well as of inspiration for Heidegger. Additionally, from a systematic point of view, the present text retraces the main points of Plessner’s critique (subjectivity, disembodiedness of fundamental ontology). The investigation makes use of a broader corpus of text than was available to Plessner and Heidegger’s contemporaries, and concentrates on two questions: Did Plessner understand his opponent? Is he able to raise valid objections? It becomes obvious that Plessner is right in complaining about disembodiedness (even though his own Leib philosophy remains conceptually diffuse), while some differentiation is advisable concerning the subjectivism charge.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Quan-Hoang Vuong

<em>Background</em>. Over the past 15 years or so, in Vietnam, a phenomenon has steadily grown more and more widespread: the forming of co-located patients communities. Poor patients choose to live together, seeking/lending supports from/to one another. Despite the undeniable existence of these communities, little is researched or known about how co-located patients perceive the value of what they receive as cluster members, or how they assess their future connection to the communities they are living in. <br /><em>Materials and Methods.</em> The study employs multiple logistic regressions method to investigate relationships between factors such as perceived satisfaction from community-provided financial means, reported health improvements, along with patients’ shortand longer-term commitments to these communities. <br /><em>Results</em>. The results suggest meaningful empirical relationships: 1) between, on one hand, gender, perceived values and sustainability of patients communities, financial stress faced by patients and the financial benefits they received from the community, and, on the other hand, their propensity to stay connected to it; and 2) between economic conditions, length of stay with a community, general level of satisfaction, health improvements on one hand and long-term commitment to these communities on the other hand. <br /><em>Conclusions</em>. Patients who choose to stick to co-location clusters do so for an economic reason: finding means to fight their financial hardship. This may suggest a degree of complication higher than one would have thought in dealing with poor patients from a social point of view. Concretely, the majority of the public only focuses on charity programs and in-king donations, while ignoring the more sustainable – and, at the same time, more complicated – alternative which is to create suitable income-generating jobs for patient. In addition, patients are not only those who seek to ask for supports but can potentially be the donors contributing to the sustainability of those voluntary communities.


1891 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-475
Author(s):  
S. Arthur Strong

The following inscription is engraved (lines 1 to 49) on the back and (lines 50 to 81) on the left side of a stele of reddish stone brought from Babylon by Mr. Rassam, and now in the British Museum. The stele is rounded at the top, and on the face Aššurbanipal is represented in high relief in his tiara and royal robes, supporting on his head with his two hands an object which looks like a basket of woven reeds. The meaning of this attitude has been discussed in a learned paper by Mr. Evetts, and his conclusion is that the king is represented “in his capacity as priest carrying the instruments of sacrifice” (P.S.B.A. 1891). In the inscription the king, after setting forth his glory and titles, goes on to record how that he completed the work of restoration and adornment, which Esarhaddon his father had begun in Êsagila and the other temples of Babylon, that he brought back the image of Marduk, which in the reign of a former king (Sennacherib) had been carried away to Assyria, that he reorganized the public worship and other internal affairs of Babylon, and established his brother Šamaššumukin on the throne.


1927 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 424-437 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Johnson

In the course of last year I was concerned, together with Mr. R. J. Whitwell, in publishing in Archaeologia Aeliana a particularly detailed account of the construction of a galley at Newcastle-upon- Tyne in 1295. The building of this vessel was part of an extensive naval programme due to the war with France begun in the previous year. Although I was able to trace the accounts of many of the vessels built on this occasion, I failed to find those of the two galleys which the City of London was directed to furnish. Quite recently, I came upon the full particulars of the building of the second of these among the ‘Sheriffs' Administrative Accounts’ at the Public Record Office, which are a subdivision of the class of ‘Accounts, etc.’, formed from the ancient miscellanea of the King's Remembrancer of the Exchequer. With this detailed account I found a summary of expenses prepared from it, and a similar summary of the expenses of some repairs done at the same time and place to two barges. In the similar subdivision entitled ‘Works ’ was a like summary of the expenses of construction of the first galley. The accounts which I had previously found had been classified as ‘Army and Navy’, but the circumstances that in London the sheriffs were responsible for the expenses had led to these accounts being separated from those of the other vessels.


Archaeologia ◽  
1925 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 103-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.C. Fowler

Perhaps the first thing to remark about these seals is that they have suffered serious damage. Of course, anywhere seals are liable to damage. The chalky composition used in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries becomes very friable with age, and sometimes seems only to be held together by the varnish; various chemical preservatives have been suggested, but it is doubtful whether they are effective. The wax of the next three centuries is very much better, and a seal free from pressure and left undisturbed should be quite perfect to-day. These conditions may often be found in the muniment boxes of corporations or old manor houses, but the public records, until their arrangement in the last century, had lain for many years in such vast piles that seals among them had a poor chance. Every one knows that the wax of seals is brittle, but it is often forgotten that it is also a liquid and will yield to any pressure, however small, if continued long enough; just as we see a block of pitch in the street sinking under its own weight, though hard to the touch. Deformation of seals is quite common, and occasionally two or more have coalesced. Cotton-wool is a good protection against concussion, but it is harder than wax and will penetrate it under pressure; while, on the other hand, the cases of wood or metal known as skippets are protection against deformation, but not so much against concussion.


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