scholarly journals The Earldoms Under Edward I

1894 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 129-155
Author(s):  
T. F. Tout

I do not propose to lay before you to-night any new theory of the constitutional position of the earldoms under Edward I. My purpose is political rather than constitutional, and, where it is not political, biographical and topographical. I wish to attempt the task of describing simply and clearly what were the number and nature of the earldoms under Edward I., with what great houses they were connected, in what districts their strength mostly lay, what manner of men the earls themselves were, and in what relations they stood to the king. I fear that I have no novelty to bring forward. The details that I shall use will come nearly all from very obvious sources, such as the printed Calendars of Post Mortem Inquests, Dugdale's ‘Baronage,’ the Lords' ‘Reports on the dignity of a Peer,’ and the ordinary chronicles and printed records of the time. Many of my facts I came across in a task that has occupied me a good deal lately, and which I have found to be by no means an easy one. I have been trying to construct a territorial map of England under Edward I., with the special view of finding out in what districts lay the power of the chief baronial houses. My excuse for laying my facts before you is that, however trite and dull they may seem, they are not always known by those who might be expected to know them. When lecturers and text-book writers—to say nothing of more serious authors—are still sometimes content to repeat the grossest inaccuracies as to the power and position of the greater nobles—when the standard historical atlas makes the ‘Grafschaft Oxford’ the ‘Gebiet der Vere,’ and the ‘Grafschaft Westmoreland’ the ‘Gebiet der Nevill,’ the elementary truths that I wish to drive home cannot be said to have obtained very general acceptance.

1979 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles T. Wood

Among the familiar sights crowding the landscape of English history from the dooms of Ine to that crown plucked from a hawthorn bush at Bosworth, none is more deeply cherished than the crisis of 1297 and the “Confirmation of the Charters” to which it gave rise. For, despite all the sharp differences over detail that the documentation for this crisis has engendered, scholars have shown remarkable agreement in seeing it as the one defeat suffered by Edward I in a long and notably successful reign. And to that defeat they have attributed great constitutional significance. Stubbs set the pattern, calling the “result singularly in harmony with what seems from history and experience to be the natural direction of English progress,” and Wilkinson is only one among the many who have recently elaborated on that theme:The crisis of 1297 … placed a definite check on the tendencies which Edward I had shown, to ignore the deep principles of the constitution under stress of the necessities which confronted the nation … It was a landmark in the advance of the knights … toward political maturity. It helped to establish the tradition of co-operation and political alliance between the knights and the magnates, on which a good deal of the political future of England was to depend …. What the opposition achieved, in 1297, was a great vindication of the ancient political principle of government by consent ….


1876 ◽  
Vol 22 (97) ◽  
pp. 99-102
Author(s):  
Fred. W. A. Skae

J. T., a cabinet-maker, was brought to the Asylum from Stirling by two policemen, on the 29th July, about 7 p.m. A certificate of emergency had alone been granted, and there was no further information regarding his case in the form of admission. He was about 30 years of age. He looked in bad health, exhausted, and miserable, and his head was bound up with a handkerchief. He asked the attendant to be careful in removing this, as there was a frightful gash underneath it. When it was undone, however, there was no wound to be seen. There was a large black mark over the right side of his face and ear, which looked as if produced by gunpowder, mixed with a little blood. There was a drop of serous fluid in the ear. The patient answered questions intelligently, though in a languid, dejected manner. He put out his tongue freely when asked. It was foul. Pulse was about 80. The policemen stated that they had been informed he had attempted to shoot himself with a double-barrelled pistol, and that the police-surgeon who had seen him thought the pistol could only have been charged with powder. The patient denied this, however, and said that the pistol had been loaded with bullets. The policemen further stated that after apparently firing both barrels of the pistol at his head early on the morning of the 28th, he had attempted to drown himself in the river Forth. As there was no external wound, nor any symptoms of injury to the brain, and as it was about 40 hours since he had attempted to shoot himself, I concluded that he had missed his aim, and caused nothing more serious than a gunpowder mark on his face. He walked along with an attendant to one of the wards. He there conversed a little with the attendants, as he had been doing in the waiting-room before I saw him, and told them a little about his history. He mentioned that he was married; that he and his wife did not agree; that he had been living away from her for some time; and that he had been drinking pretty freely. He complained of thirst, and said he had a headache. He drank a good deal of water. I saw him again in about half-an-hour, and talked with him a little about himself. He looked ill and wretched, and complained of a tremendous headache. At eight o'clock he walked up stairs with the other patients, undressed himself, and went to bed in a dormitory. After going to bed he became very restless, kicked the clothes about, talked incoherently, and shouted for “John” (apparently his brother). About 10.30 he was removed to a single room. He walked quietly along, and got into his new bed. When visited about an hour afterwards, he was lying in bed, but talking nonsense. At six in the morning the attendant went into his room to waken him. He was lying dead on a mattress on the floor, with his face downwards, his mouth and nose being firmly pressed against the mattress. I saw him almost immediately. He had all the appearance of a person who had died from suffocation, and probably in a convulsion. The face and neck were livid and swollen. The tongue was protruded between the teeth; bloody mucus was on the sheet, and seemed to have come from his mouth and nose. A post-mortem examination was made at the instance of the Procurator Fiscal, by Dr. Moffat, of Falkirk, and myself, at 5 p.m., of which the following is a report:—


2001 ◽  
Vol 178 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Seabourne ◽  
Gwen Seabourne

BackgroundLittle is known about suicide in England in the medieval period. Legal records provide the best source of post-mortem data about suicides.MethodSelected Eyre records from the reigns of Henry III (1216–1272), Edward I (1272–1307), Edward II (1307–1327) and Edward III (1327–1377) were translated and examined for details of self-killing.ResultsOne hundred and ninety-eight cases of self-killing were found, eight of which were found to be accidental, non-felonious deaths. Self-killing was more common in men. Hanging was the most common and drowning the second most common method of self-killing in both males and females. Self-killing with sharp objects was predominantly a male method. Other methods of self-killing were rare. There were no reports of deliberate self-poisoning. There is some evidence of underreporting of, and attempts to conceal, self-killing from royal officers.ConclusionsEyre records suggest that although some of the facts surrounding self-killing have changed, others have remained constant, particularly the higher proportion of men who kill themselves and the greater use by men than women of sharp instruments to kill themselves. We discuss the description and understanding of psychiatric states by medieval English Eyres, particularly in terms of the perception of the mental states that accompanied suicidal actions.


(1.) Although Hertz realised very fully that his oscillator did not give “perfectly regular and long continued sine-oscillations,” and although Bjerknes determined so long ago as 1891 the general form of the damping, it does not appear that Hertz’s original investigation of the nature of the vibrations in the field round one of his oscillators has hitherto been modified. Indeed, his diagrams of the wave motion have been copied into more than one text-book, and have usually been taken to represent what actually goes on in the surrounding field. Actually not only the diagrams, but a good deal of Hertz’s original theory of interference requires modification, if we are to obtain quantitative accordance between theory and experiment. The object of the present paper is to give a fuller theory of the nature of the vibrations in the field round a typical Hertzian oscillator. (2.) Assuming that Bjerknes’ experiments have shown that the Hertzian oscillator vibrates very nearly according to the type: C - p 1 t sin ( p 2 t + a ), we have to find a solution for the equations for the disturbance in the surrounding field on this basis.


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