Using Knowledge for Control in Fragmented Policy Arenas

1984 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet A. Weiss ◽  
Judith E. Gruber
Keyword(s):  
Policy Arenas

Policy Arenas and Budgetary Politics

1984 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim Quaile Hill ◽  
John Patrick Plumlee
Keyword(s):  
Budgetary Politics ◽  
Policy Arenas

Rights of Nature

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig M. Kauffman
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Ecological Sustainability ◽  
International Policy ◽  
Global Networks ◽  
Economic Rights ◽  
Legal Personhood ◽  
Legal Provisions ◽  
Governance Systems ◽  
Rights Of Nature ◽  
Policy Arenas

With the onset of climate change, the prospect of mass extinction, and the closing window of opportunity to take meaningful action, a growing number of activists, lawyers, scientists, policy-makers, and everyday people are calling for Rights of Nature (RoN) to be legally recognized as a way to transform human legal and governance systems to prioritize ecological sustainability. Over the past decade, RoN has gone from being a radical idea espoused only by a handful of marginalized actors to a legal strategy seriously considered in a wide variety of domestic and international policy arenas. In January 2021, at least 185 legal provisions recognizing RoN existed in 17 countries spanning five continents, and 50 more RoN laws were pending in a dozen other countries. RoN is also recognized in numerous international policy documents. After defining RoN, this chapter examines how different kinds of actors have organized in global networks to advance RoN in different policy arenas through distinct pathways. This has caused RoN to be structured and implemented differently in distinct contexts. The chapter examines this variation, comparing cases from around the world. It highlights the implications of structuring RoN as a set of unique substantive rights for ecosystems versus extending legal personhood (a set of rights designed for humans). It concludes by examining the relationship between RoN and human rights—including environmental rights, Indigenous rights, and economic rights—and the implications for reconceptualizing sustainable development to prioritize ecological sustainability.

Feminist Foreign Policy: Contributions and Lessons

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacqueline Hicks
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Development Assistance ◽  
Gender Mainstreaming ◽  
Rapid Review ◽  
Policy Advocacy ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
Context Specific ◽  
Implementation Plans ◽  
Policy Arenas

A relatively small number of countries have an explicit “Feminist Foreign Policy” (FFP). Those most often cited are Sweden, Canada, France, Mexico, and Spain. In theory, an FFP moves beyond gender mainstreaming in foreign development assistance to include: (1) a wider range of external actions, including defence, trade and diplomacy (2) a wider range of marginalised people, not just women. Within foreign development assistance, it implies a more coherent and systematically institutionalised approach to gender mainstreaming. In practice, those countries with an explicit FFP implement it in different ways. Canada currently focuses on development assistance, France on development assistance and formal diplomacy, Sweden more comprehensively covers the trade and defence policy arenas. Mexico and Spain are yet to produce detailed implementation plans. There is increasing academic interest in FFP, but most analyses found during the course of this rapid review focus on narrative content of policies rather than impact. Policy advocacy and advice is provided by several high-profile advocacy organisations. National government agencies in Sweden, France and Canada have produced some evaluations of their FFP, but the evidence is weak. There are many international institution evaluations of gender mainstreaming for many different sectors that are context-specific.

Credit as a Tool of Statecraft

2019 ◽  
pp. 69-87
Author(s):  
Sarah L. Quinn
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central Government ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Building ◽  
Public Private Partnerships ◽  
Credit Allocation ◽  
Self Help ◽  
Farm Credit ◽  
Policy Arenas

This chapter shows how Progressives returned to the issue of farm credit distribution in the early 1900s and drew on European precedents to reframe credit allocation as a way for the central government to help people help themselves. American Progressives thus replaced their earlier, more radical farm credit politics with a more moderate vision of government-supported credit as an inexpensive way of supporting self-help. The chapter then considers the Federal Farm Loan Act (FFLA). Compared with other hallmarks of Progressive Era state building, the FFLA seems relatively unimportant. Nevertheless, it was a turning point in the use of selective credit as a tool of federal statecraft in the United States. The FFLA provided federal credit on a national level that was administered through public–private partnerships and bolstered by tax expenditures. By tracing the lead-up to this policy, one can see how Progressives forged a new array of cultural and organizational approaches to federal credit that would later proliferate across policy arenas.

Explorations in Intersectional Policymaking

2020 ◽  
pp. 119-146
Author(s):  
Beth Reingold
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Urban Communities ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
Mass Incarceration ◽  
State Legislators ◽  
Small Subset ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Boys Of Color ◽  
Policy Arenas

Chapter 5 explores the concept of intersectional policymaking further by examining closely the content of legislation sponsored by a small subset of Democratic state legislators serving majority-minority constituencies in California, New Jersey, and Texas in 1997 and 2005. What might intersectional policymaking look like and who practices it? The analysis uncovers a wide variety of intersectional proposals, spanning multiple policy arenas and addressing many different problems arising from multiple, intersecting forms of inequality and marginalization. Particularly notable are measures concerning the health and welfare of women of color, immigrants, and others often disproportionately located within low-income communities, as well as criminal justice measures taking on issues of over-policing and mass incarceration that disproportionately affect men and boys of color in similar low-income, urban communities. Most lawmakers in this subsample sponsor at least one intersectional bill, but women of color stand out as the most reliable practitioners of intersectional advocacy.

Conclusion: Closing the Policy Circle

2019 ◽  
pp. 175-190
Author(s):  
Sarah Louise Nash
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Global State ◽  
Self Reflection ◽  
Weather Patterns ◽  
Policy Domain ◽  
Policy Ideas ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
Future Work ◽  
Policy Arenas

This concluding chapter summarizes the arguments discussed in the book before turning to the future, extrapolating what these arguments could mean for future work on the migration and climate change nexus. The moral, so to speak, of this story is that changing policy making on migration and climate change does not just imply coming up with new policy ideas, populating a new policy domain with mentions of migration and climate change, or being open to a sprinkling of new faces in policy arenas. Instead, it entails reconsidering how people understand and talk about migration and climate change and undertaking a process of self-reflection: what perspective do people have on the issue and why? This does not necessarily involve interrogating the reasons why people are moving, or the extent to which people connect changes in weather patterns to their decisions to move or their inability to do so. Rather, this involves a process of critical reflection of the motives, both explicit and implicit, of the policy juggernaut. This perspective is really important if the migration and climate change nexus is going to exist as anything but a dire warning of the realities of climate change, and if policy responses are going to be transformative rather than buttresses for the current global state of affairs.

Is Unemployment Insurable? Employers and the Development of Unemployment Insurance

1997 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabela Mares
Keyword(s):  
Unemployment Insurance ◽  
Social Insurance ◽  
Small Firms ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Social Policies ◽  
Archival Material ◽  
Insurance Policies ◽  
Modern Welfare State ◽  
Policy Arenas ◽  
Shed Light

ABSTRACTIn order to shed light on the recent debates that are reinterpreting the role played by organized employers in the development of modern social policy, this paper examines the origin of the system of contributory social insurance during the Weimar period. Contrary to ‘laborist’ accounts of the origin of the modern welfare state that view the working class as the most important protagonist behind the transition from ‘assistance’ to ‘insurance’ policies, this paper argues that employers' dissatisfaction with the means-tested system of unemployment assistance and employers' endorsement of an insurance solution to the risk of unemployment remained the decisive factor leading to the introduction of the insurance system during the Weimar period. Drawing on employers' deliberations and archival material, the paper reconstructs the process of preference formation of German employers. The significance of a sectoral conflict between employers of large and small firms about the organization of the ‘risk pool’ within the system of unemployment insurance is also highlighted. While the existing literature fails to characterize employers' preferences towards social policies and to explain the variation in the degree of employers' support for particular social policies, this paper does so. Firms' preferences towards social policies can be analyzed along three dimensions: ability of social policies to redistribute risks, locus of control within alternative policy arenas and the costs imposed by different social policies.

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