Ethnic Conflict & the Problem of Political Identity in the Middle EastThe Palestinian Arabs: A Non-State Nation Systems Analysis. By Judy Bertelsen The West Bank: Is It Viable?. By Vivian A. Bull Middle Eastern Subcultures: A Regional Approach. By William E. Hazen and Mohammed Mughisudden The Palestine Movement in Politics. By Paul A. Jureidini and William E. Hazen The Crisis in the Lebanese System: Confessionalism and Chaos. By Enver M. Koury The Impossible Dilemma: Who Is a Jew in the State of Israel?. By Oscar Kraines

Polity ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 400-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. Entelis
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 251-266
Author(s):  
Piotr Kosiorek

Osadnictwo żydowskie jest jednym z najważniejszych elementów wieloletnich sprzeczności między Izraelem i Palestyną. Ponadto problematyczny pozostaje tutaj status prawny osiedli. Wciąż trwa dyskusja nad tym, czy kolonie założone na Zachodnim Brzegu Jordanu są legalne, czy wręcz przeciwnie. Celem niniejszego tekstu będzie zbadanie znaczenia osadnictwa żydowskiego w kontekście konfliktu izraelsko-palestyńskiego oraz próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, jak wysoko w hierarchii priorytetów państwa sytuuje się osadnictwo żydowskie. W treści tego artykułu poruszane są takie kwestie jak mur bezpieczeństwa wraz z jego funkcjami i konsekwencjami dla Palestyńczyków, kwestia administracji Zachodniego Brzegu Jordanu oraz studium przypadku opisujące przykład Kfar Etzion i Sheikh Jarrah. Jewish settlements in the context of the Israeli – Palestinian conflict Jewish settlement is one of the most important elements of the long – term contradictions between Israel and Palestine. Moreover, the legal status of the outposts is problematical. The main objective of this text is analysis the significance of Jewish settlement in the context of the Israeli – Palestinian conflict and to try to answer the question how high in the hierarchy of the State of Israel priorities is the Jewish settlement. In a content of this article there such matters as security wall with its functions and consequences for Palestinians in the context of Jewish settlements, issue of an administration of the West Bank and the case study describes example of the Kfar Etzion and Sheikh Jarrah.


Significance This came after US Special Envoy Jason Greenblatt set conditions for the engagement of a future Palestinian unity government in peace negotiations that closely echoed Israeli demands, including acceptance of non-violence, recognition of the state of Israel and disarmament. Hamas, which has ruled Gaza since 2007, on October 12 signed a reconciliation agreement in Cairo with the Fatah party, which controls the Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank. Impacts Israel will never allow Hamas to play any significant role in the West Bank, whatever the terms of the deal. Easing the blockade on Gaza could bring a construction boom that would boost Egypt’s economy as well. Even if the agreement breaks down, another round of fighting with Israel in Gaza is unlikely, as it would benefit no party.


1993 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Levine

This paper analyzes the impact of the Intifada on both the West Bank-Gaza Strip and the Israeli sectors of the economy of Israel. From the perspective of the banking system, the Intifada has had a more detrimental effect on the West Bank-Gaza Strip region than on the Israeli sector.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-44
Author(s):  
Shahd Adnan M. Qzeih ◽  
Rafooneh Mokhtarshahi Sani

Wars and conflicts have caused millions of people to seek asylum outside their homelands and the issue of refugee camps has become a pressing subject in international policy discussions. Conflicts continue to escalate in different parts of the world, especially in Middle Eastern countries. In 1948, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict forced displacement of many Palestinian people. The resulting camps have developed into cluster camp shelters of three to four stories in the West Bank, Gaza, and other regions around historical Palestine; some are perceived to be like gated communities. Being self-sufficient environments, refugee camps have rarely been approached from the perspective of urban psychology. This research deals with sensory perceptual analysis of Balata, the largest refugee camp in the West Bank of Palestinian Territories. Balata is situated in Nablus and has raised four generations of refugees since its establishment. In order to explore the spatial characteristics of such specific environmental experiences, the research adopted a mixed-method approach – systematically evaluating the related literature on sensory perceptual spaces and applying content analysis methods. The study modified the sensory slider tool of Malnar and Vodvarka according to the framework matrix based on the content analysis. Moreover, the case study analysis consisted of observation of the chosen area and 30 in-depth interviews with refugees who were forced out of their homes and settled in the camp as well as some who were born in the camp. The research results show that investigating what camp residents perceive of the five senses can capture meaningful sensory perceptual experiences and can generate a holistic mental image of the refugee camp. Particularly, perceptions of the built environment reflect the difficulty of life experiences. The study concludes that the characteristics of camps in this seventy-year-old conflict environment may not be found in other parts of the world.


2010 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Philip J. Dermer

The following document, previously unpublished, was written in March 2010 by a recently retired ( June 2009) U.S. Army colonel with thirty years experience in the Middle East, including tours of duty and advisory roles (in both military/security and civilian domains) from North Africa to the Persian Gulf. The subject of the informal report is the author's first two trips as a "civilian" to Israel and the West Bank, where he had served two tours of duty, most recently as U.S. military attachéé in Tel Aviv during Israel's 2005 unilateral disengagement from Gaza and the formation of the U.S. Security Coordinator's (USSC) mission to reform Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces. Written as an internal document for military colleagues and government circles, the report has been circulating widely——as did the author's earlier briefings on travel or missions in Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, and especially Iraq——among White House senior staff, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Defense Intelligence Agency, CENTCOM (U.S. Central Command), EUCOM (U.S. European Command), and the USSC team. The document's focus is the state of the "peace process" and the current situation in the West Bank, with particular attention to the PA security forces and the changes on the ground since the author's last tour there ended in mid-2007. But the real interest of the paper lies in the message directed at its intended audience of military and government policy officials——that is, its frank assessment of the deficiencies of the U.S. peace effort and the wider U.S. policy-making system in the Israel-Palestine arena, with particular emphasis on the disconnect between the situation on the ground and the process led by Washington. The critique has special resonance in light of the emerging new thinking in the administration fueled by the military high command's unhappiness (expressed by CENTCOM commander General David Petraeus and Joint Chiefs of Staff chairman Admiral Michael Mullen) with the State Department's handling of Middle East diplomacy, especially with regard to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, on the grounds that diplomatic failures are having a negative impact on U.S. operations elsewhere in the region. For most JPS readers, the report has additional interest as an insider's view of the U.S. security presence in the Israel-Palestine arena. It also reflects a military approach that is often referenced but largely absent in public discourse and academic writings. The author, in addition to his tours of duty and peacekeeping missions in various Middle Eastern countries, has served as advisor to two U.S. special Middle East envoys, the U.S. negotiating team with Syria, General Petraeus, Lieutenant General Keith Dayton, Vice President Dick Cheney, and, more generally, to CENTCOM, the Department of Defense, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, among others. In retirement, he has worked with CENTCOM as a key primary subject matter expert in the development of analyses and solutions for its area of responsibility, leads predeployment briefings for army units heading to Iraq, and travels frequently to Iraq and elsewhere in the region as an independent consultant. He is currently in Afghanistan with the CENTCOM commander's Afghanistan-Pakistan Center of Excellence. The report, made available to JPS, is being published with the author's permission.


Author(s):  
Tika Tazkya Nurdyawati

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict which is often found to continue for more than 7 decades is inseparable from the root of the problem itself, namely; designation of the Palestinian territories as a national home for the Jews which would later lead to Israeli independence in 1948. Referring to the Balfour Declaration 1917 under the British decision, the massive migration of Jews from Europe to Palestine was inseparable from the benefits that were gained by Western hegemonies in the West. the winner of the war at the time. This can be studied using a realism perspective which views the state as a rational actor with all its decisions under the national interest. Using the literature review method, this article tries to answer whether the tension that occurs in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is based solely on differences in religious identity between the two? Or are there interests of several parties that do not appear on the surface? Why can the annexation case in the formation of an Israeli state that violates international law continue without strict sanctions? The economic and political motivated interests of the West and the connection of Zionism in the founding of the state of Israel will be examined as concrete evidence. This article is expected to be useful as a reference for later literature for similar research.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-117
Author(s):  
Kyle Wallace

Since the inception of Turkey as an independent state, the country has based itself on Western modes of governance, with secularism being a hallmark of the nation. In recent years, Islamic parties have made inroads in government, causing consternation among the old guard and allies in Europe. Much of the modern arguments against Turkey's inclusion in the EU rely on psuedo-Orientalist ideas; Turkey is somehow so different and alien from "European" culture that they simply do not belong in the EU. Historical notions of Turkey and Islam as fundamentally different are then propagated to remove Turkey from contemporary Europe. Islamic politics in Turkey do not represent a shift to a more fundamentalist ideology; in actuality, Turkish Islamic parties are very modern movements based in progressive ideas. The rise of Islamic parties in Turkey signals a shift away from a dogmatic following of the strictly secular West into a more hybrid political identity, unshakably tied to the West but allowing for a greater expression of its Middle Eastern Muslim heritage.


Author(s):  
V. M. Morozov ◽  
A. A. Ermakov

Nowadays the Gaza Strip radical movement HAMAS is the most dangerous opponent for the State of Israel in the Palestinian arena. In recent years most attention of the world community has been focused on the events in the Gaza Strip. This attention is caused by the dynamics of standoff and the scale of events occurred. During the period after authority setting in the Palestinian enclave by HAMAS movement Israel carried out a series of large-scale military operations. These were «Cast Lead», «Pillar of Defense» and «Protective Edge». However for better understanding of dynamics of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians it is necessary to pay equal attention to confrontation both in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. In the article the authors study the events of June 2014 that were a part of the permanent standoff in the West Bank. In June 2014 after abduction of the three teenagers by radicals Israel carried out the operation «Brother's Keeper» which preceded the large-scale operation «Protective Edge». The actions of Israelis aimed at weakening the infrastructure of HAMAS. During the operation in the West Bank Israel used considerable forces. Israelis caused a painful blow to HAMAS. The results of the operation «Brother's Keeper» suggested that the radicals of the West Bank may get developed underground infrastructure and developed infrastructure for production of rockets. The events of summer 2014 in zone of the Palestinian- Israeli conflict showed that escalation may spread from one part of the Palestinian land to another.


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