Arms issue could quash Palestinian reconciliation

Significance This came after US Special Envoy Jason Greenblatt set conditions for the engagement of a future Palestinian unity government in peace negotiations that closely echoed Israeli demands, including acceptance of non-violence, recognition of the state of Israel and disarmament. Hamas, which has ruled Gaza since 2007, on October 12 signed a reconciliation agreement in Cairo with the Fatah party, which controls the Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank. Impacts Israel will never allow Hamas to play any significant role in the West Bank, whatever the terms of the deal. Easing the blockade on Gaza could bring a construction boom that would boost Egypt’s economy as well. Even if the agreement breaks down, another round of fighting with Israel in Gaza is unlikely, as it would benefit no party.

Headline QATAR/PALESTINIANS: Doha will isolate the West Bank


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 251-266
Author(s):  
Piotr Kosiorek

Osadnictwo żydowskie jest jednym z najważniejszych elementów wieloletnich sprzeczności między Izraelem i Palestyną. Ponadto problematyczny pozostaje tutaj status prawny osiedli. Wciąż trwa dyskusja nad tym, czy kolonie założone na Zachodnim Brzegu Jordanu są legalne, czy wręcz przeciwnie. Celem niniejszego tekstu będzie zbadanie znaczenia osadnictwa żydowskiego w kontekście konfliktu izraelsko-palestyńskiego oraz próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, jak wysoko w hierarchii priorytetów państwa sytuuje się osadnictwo żydowskie. W treści tego artykułu poruszane są takie kwestie jak mur bezpieczeństwa wraz z jego funkcjami i konsekwencjami dla Palestyńczyków, kwestia administracji Zachodniego Brzegu Jordanu oraz studium przypadku opisujące przykład Kfar Etzion i Sheikh Jarrah. Jewish settlements in the context of the Israeli – Palestinian conflict Jewish settlement is one of the most important elements of the long – term contradictions between Israel and Palestine. Moreover, the legal status of the outposts is problematical. The main objective of this text is analysis the significance of Jewish settlement in the context of the Israeli – Palestinian conflict and to try to answer the question how high in the hierarchy of the State of Israel priorities is the Jewish settlement. In a content of this article there such matters as security wall with its functions and consequences for Palestinians in the context of Jewish settlements, issue of an administration of the West Bank and the case study describes example of the Kfar Etzion and Sheikh Jarrah.


Significance This partly reflected fears that the Trump administration’s promised “ultimate deal” to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict may include neither element. US envoy and principal author Jason Greenblatt said on September 13 that work on the secret plan had entered the “pre-launch phase”, despite Palestinian opposition. Impacts Unilateral Israeli annexation of large parts of the West Bank is becoming increasingly plausible as right-wing discourse changes. Tel Aviv will resist a return to Palestinian Authority control in Gaza, with many politicians preferring the existing split with Hamas. Despite half-promises to Trump, Saudi Arabia cannot afford to abandon the Palestinian cause. Russia may partly move into the abandoned US mediation role but lacks the commitment and leverage to force a solution.


1993 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Levine

This paper analyzes the impact of the Intifada on both the West Bank-Gaza Strip and the Israeli sectors of the economy of Israel. From the perspective of the banking system, the Intifada has had a more detrimental effect on the West Bank-Gaza Strip region than on the Israeli sector.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 978-996 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mai Albzour ◽  
Sandra Penic ◽  
Randa Nasser ◽  
Eva G. T. Green

Since the launching of the Oslo peace process in 1993, the term ‘normalization’ has been used to characterize policies that aim to recognize the state of Israel and to establish ‘normal’ relations between Israelis and Palestinians. Whereas the Palestinian Authority has been supportive of normalization policies, numerous domestic and international critics have argued that these policies serve to perpetuate occupation and its consequences. We examine how Palestinians understand normalization, to what degree they support various forms of ‘normalizing’ relations with Israelis, and how contact with Israelis relates to support for normalization and motivation for revolutionary resistance against the occupation. Based on a cross-sectional survey conducted among an adult sample (N = 159) in the West Bank in 2016, we show that the understanding of normalization was multi-faceted, and that support for contact and collaboration across group lines (i.e., with Israelis) depended on the type of intergroup relations. On average, respondents were more supportive of relations within the political sphere, e.g. civilian policies and diplomatic coordination, than of interpersonal contact, cultural cooperation or security coordination. Support for most types of intergroup relations was related to decreased motivation for revolutionary resistance. In line with research on ‘sedative’ effects of positive intergroup contact in historically unequal societies, we found that past positive contact with Israelis was linked to decrease in Palestinians’ motivation for revolutionary resistance through increased support for interpersonal contact and security coordination as forms of normalization.


Significance The pledge is the latest in a string of Israeli policy announcements that further undermine the purpose of the Palestinian Authority (PA) to pave the way for an independent state. Bitter disputes in recent months with Israel -- and the United States -- have left the PA virtually bankrupt and generated a deep economic crisis in the West Bank. Impacts An August fuel tax agreement will tide the PA over financially for a short while. The PA’s refusal to accept financial transfers from Israel offer a popularity boost, disincentivising reconciliation. Pressures on UN refugee funding, on which many Palestinians rely, will grow.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-26

This section comprises international, Arab, Israeli, and U.S. documents and source materials, as well as an annotated list of recommended reports. Significant developments this quarter: In the international diplomatic arena, the UN Security Council approved Resolution 2334, reaffirming the illegality of Israeli settlements and calling for a return to peace negotiations. Additionally, former U.S. secretary of state John Kerry delivered a final address on the Israel-Palestine conflict, outlining a groundwork for negotiations. Two weeks later, international diplomats met in Paris to establish incentives for Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas to return to the negotiating table. Despite international discussions of peace talks and the impediment settlements pose to a two-state solution, the Israeli Knesset passed the controversial Regulation Law, enabling the government to retroactively legalize settlements and confiscate Palestinian land throughout the West Bank. Meanwhile, U.S. president Donald Trump took office on 20 January 2017, and he wasted no time before inviting Netanyahu to the White House for their first meeting, in February.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Joel Singer

Abstract This article tells the story of how and why, when negotiating the Israeli-Palestinian Oslo Accords in 1993–95, the author developed the concept of dividing the West Bank into three areas with differing formulas for allocating responsibilities between Israel and the Palestinian Authority in each. The origin of how these areas were named is also discussed. This negotiation demonstrates that parties are prepared to modify ideological positions when detailed and practical options are presented that constitute a hybrid to the parties’ former positions.


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