The Social Roots of Dutch Pietism in the Middle Colonies

1984 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall H. Balmer
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New Jersey ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dutch Reformed ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
The Social ◽  
Middle Colonies

When Godfridus Dellius, Dutch Reformed minister at Albany, surveyed the religious situation of the Middle Colonies in 1694, he found little to cheer him. In addition to the recent deaths of two colleagues and the political upheaval in New York, Dominie Dellius lamented the intrusion of William Bertholf into the Dutch churches in New Jersey. Bertholf, a cooper by trade, openly flaunted his independence from both the Netherlands ecclesiastical authorities and the orthodox New York clergy. With pietist leanings, Bertholf had ingratiated himself with Dutch communicants on the New Jersey frontier. “He will now not neglect anything to carry out his designs,” Dellius warned, and “soon some marvelous kind of theology will develop here.”

Mass pressures, elite responses—roots of democratization: the case of the GDR

1992 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Detlef Pollack
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Rapid Change ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
The Social ◽  
Transition Research ◽  
Agency And Structure

The article tries to explain the social and political upheaval in the former GDR by using a theoretical model worked out by Pierre Bourdieu. Transition research within political science focuses mainly on the functional prerequisites necessary to liberalize and democratize authoritarian regimes. Bourdieu’s model, however, also accounts for the historical events, the political actors and their actions, and the social and political mechanisms through which a rapid change can be realized. By applying this approach on the system’s change in the GDR it is not only possible to determine the structural and functional conditions of the upheaval, but also to describe the concrete historical processes of how the upheaval took place. The approach used here is an attempt to mediate between ‘agency’ and ‘structure’ and thus to integrate historical argumentation into the theoretical framework provided by political science and sociology.

Money, Markets, and the State: Social Democratic Policies since 1918. By Ton Notermans. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000. 312p. $59.95.

2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 244-245
Author(s):  
Carles Boix
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
World War I ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Historical Data ◽  
World War ◽  
Money Markets ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Cambridge University ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
The Social

Notermans has written a bold and ambitious book in which he purports to explain the conditions under which social democratic policies, and therefore the social democratic project, have been successful in modern democracies. The book, which relies heavily but not exclusively on historical data, examines the ebb and flow of social democratic domi- nance in five countries-Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and Britain-since roughly the introduction of (male) universal suffrage after World War I.

scholarly journals Outsiders Within: Framing and Regulation of Headscarves in France, Germany and The Netherlands

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 029-039 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doutje Lettinga ◽  
Sawitri Saharso
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Social Inclusion ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Islamic Headscarf ◽  
National Differences ◽  
The Social ◽  
Over Time

While women in Europe who wear the Islamic headscarf are generally seen as outsiders who do not belong to the nation, some countries are more tolerant towards the wearing of headscarves than others. France, Germany and the Netherlands have developed different policies regarding veiling. In this paper we describe how headscarves became regulated in each of these countries and discuss the ways in which French, Dutch and German politicians have deliberated the issue. The paper is based on a content analysis of parliamentary debates on veiling in France (1989–2007), Germany (1997–2007) and the Netherlands (1985–2007). Our aim is to discuss what these national political debates reveal about the way in which the social inclusion of Islamic women in (or rather exclusion from) the nation is perceived in these three countries. Our claim is that veiling arouses opposition because it challenges national self-understandings. Yet, because nations have different histories of nation building, these self-understandings are challenged in various ways and hence, governments have responded to headscarves with diverse regulation. While we did find national differences, we also discovered that the political debates in the three countries are converging over time. The trend is towards increasingly gendered debates and more restrictive headscarf policies. This, we hypothesize, is explained by international polarization around Islam and the strength of the populist anti-immigrant parties across Europe.

Gilbert Tennent, Established “Dissenter”

1994 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet F. Fishburn
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
New Jersey ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Awakening ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
John Wesley ◽  
Founding Father ◽  
Presbyterian Church ◽  
Middle Colonies

Gilbert Tennent (1703–1764), an “Ulster Scot” born the same year as John Wesley, is usually remembered as a leader of revivals during the “Great Awakening” in the middle-colonies. John Witherspoon (1723–1794), a “champion of orthodoxy” from Edinburgh called to be the President of the College of New Jersey, is usually treated as a “founding father” of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. However, many events leading up to the first General Assembly in 1788 reflect the influence of Gilbert Tennet, the moderator of the newly re-united Synods of Philadelphia and New York in 1758.

What’s in a Name? Questions for a New Monument

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margrethe Troensegaard
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Culturally Diverse ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Core ◽  
The People ◽  
Modern Sculpture ◽  
The Social ◽  
We The People

What is the contemporary condition of the monument? In relation to the current issue’s discussion of immersive and discursive exhibition practices, this essay places itself at a slight remove; rather than to analyse and evaluate specific curatorial strategies it seeks to raise questions of relevance to such practices and begins by moving the discourse out of the museum and into the public space. The point of interrogation here is the monument, a form with a particular capacity to tease and expose the triad we find at the core of any curatorial discourse: the relation between institution, artwork and audience. Following an introductory reflection on how to describe and define a ‘monument’, a term so broadly used it all but loses its value, the text proceeds to examine three cases, Monument de la Renaissance Africaine, Dakar (2010), Danh Vo’s WE THE PEOPLE (DETAIL), various locations (2010-13), and Thomas Hirschhorn’s Gramsci Monument, New York (2013). The sequencing of these geographically and culturally diverse works makes way for an interrogatory piece of writing that addresses the question of permanence versus temporariness of the artwork as exhibition (and the exhibition as artwork), and that of the political agency of the artistic form. Probing the social agency of the monument, the text draws lines between the symbolising capacity once held by modern sculpture and the oscillation between immersion and discursiveness as two complimentary modes of communication. The discursive content or function of the monument (i.e. what it commemorates) is activated through the viewer’s personal, immersive encounter with its form, a form that potentially places its viewer as a participant to the construction of its message rather than as a mere receiver.

The Great Awakening as Artifact. George Whitefield and the Construction of Intercolonial Revival, 1739–1745

1991 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Lambert
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New Jersey ◽  
New England ◽  
Jonathan Edwards ◽  
Dutch Reformed ◽  
Staten Island ◽  
Divine Grace ◽  
New Birth ◽  
Connecticut Valley ◽  
George Whitefield

Throughout the 1720s and 1730s evangelical preachers sparked revivals from New England to New Jersey. In his long pastorate at Northampton, Massachusetts, Solomon Stoddard reported five “harvests” of souls in the Connecticut Valley. His grandson Jonathan Edwards succeeded him and led a spiritual awakening in 1734 and 1735 resulting in the “Conversion of Many Hundred Souls in Northampton and Neighboring Towns and Villages.” In the late 1720s the pietist minister Jacob Frelinghuysen inspired a renewal of piety among the Dutch Reformed in New York. At the same time the Presbyterian evangelists William and Gilbert Tennent reported revivals in the churches they had established between New Brunswick, New Jersey and Staten Island, New York.1 While sharing a common message, these evangelical revivals remained local, private affairs, contained within specific geographic and denominational boundaries. Although each proclaimed the necessity of a spiritual new birth and the primacy of divine grace in salvation, theawakenings did not expand into a larger, united movement.

Red Aid, a Non-Accommodating NGO Challenging the Power of West-European States to Deny Protection to Undeserving Refugees, 1933–1935

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-331
Author(s):  
Frank Caestecker
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social

This article outlines how a refugee policy took shape in the liberal countries bordering Nazi Germany during the first half of the 1930s. In Belgium, France, the Netherlands, Czechoslovakia and Switzerland, immigration policy had become much more restrictive by 1933 when the refugees from Germany applied for asylum and the necessity for a ‘side entrance’ for asylum seekers to these countries became apparent. The focus here is on the role of the Communist aid organisation, the Red Aid, in this endeavour. In comparison to the social-democratic aid organisations, the Red Aid was deficient, but most importantly it was an outsider to the political regime, while the Social-Democrats were part of the political regime. Still the authorities in all countries conceded by 1935 that German Communist refugees were more deserving than other unwanted immigrants who were expelled without much ado. This article argues that the campaigns of the Red Aid in the rather limited liberalisation of policy towards Communist refugees by 1935 did have some effect since their denouncement of the inhumane treatment of Communist refugees led these liberal polities to restrain themselves in their treatment of these most ‘undeserving’ of refugees.

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