Standard Oil and Petroleum Development in Early Republican China

1971 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 452-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noel H. Pugach

Despite the efforts of American government officials, attempts to establish a joint Chinese-American company to develop China's petroleum potential met with failure during the initial years of the Wilson administration. Duplicity and misunderstanding on the part of Standard Oil and of the Chinese government added another chapter to the dismal history of American business in China.

Upravlenie ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-76
Author(s):  
Wantao Lai ◽  
Ye Dongmei ◽  
Duanan Zheng

Not only the long history of Sino-Russian economic communication but also Good timing, geographical convenience and good human relations help build up a solid foundation for modern cooperation between China and Russia as well as provide entrepreneurs with good opportunities to process global operation in Russian market or Chinese market.. This paper explores some new trends in entrepreneurship, which are both in China and Russia and pinpoint the underlying reasons behind those new trends. The article studies the legal framework for the development of Chinese-Russian trade and economic relations. The bilateral trade of Russia and China with the introduction of innovative technologies has been considered. The work of Chinese entrepreneurs in Russia has been analyzed. The assessment of the Russian market and its potential by the Chinese has been given. The conclusion of bilateral Sino-Russian agreements, the establishment of joint ventures, as well as the difficulties that Chinese businessmen have to deal with in Russia have been described. The work of Russian entrepreneurs in China has been examined. The opportunities for Russians to do business in China have been shown. The interest of the Chinese government and business circles in Russian investments, bilateral economic and cultural cooperation has been noted. Сhinese regard such good relationships between China and Russia as “honeymoon”. Under “honeymoon”, it is believed that Chinese and Russian entrepreneurs should seize the opportunity, expanding cross-border e-commerce communication, promoting technical exchange, and creating a win-win situation for both Chinese and Russians.


2014 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 858-894
Author(s):  
DAQING YANG

AbstractThis paper examines the key modern infrastructure of telecommunications in early Republican China, through the eyes of a Japanese, Nakayama Ryûji, who served as a telecommunications adviser to the Chinese government from 1913 to 1928. Nakayama's numerous reports and recommendations to his Chinese employer and frequent confidential dispatches to the Japanese government, when read together, constitute a fascinating prism. They not only reveal problems as well as the potential in China's telecommunications sector, they also highlight Japan's efforts to compete with other foreign actors in China through the provision of Japanese equipment, expertise, and loans. While Nakayama strove to shape China's telecommunications development in ways that would, in his view, benefit both China and Japan, his efforts were often undercut by the aggressive actions of the Japanese government in China, such as the infamous Twenty-One Demands. Though promising at first, Japan's influence on China's modernization in the early Republican era came to be more limited, especially when compared with the final decade of the Qing Dynasty. Ultimately, what can be seen through this Japanese prism confirms that the development of an information infrastructure in modern China, as elsewhere, was as much shaped by technological and economic forces as it was influenced by political and diplomatic factors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 731-772
Author(s):  
Shirley Ye

AbstractSince the late imperial era, Yellow River floods have endangered the environmental equilibrium of North China, including parts of the Grand Canal. The Republican government’s response to water disasters reflected the influence of global networks and institutions of expertise. By turning to an American company for infrastructure work on the Grand Canal, Chinese government officials placed their faith in global science and finance to renew a domestic symbol of state power. The project failed; nonetheless the efforts to restore the waterways and provide relief reveal the entangled humanitarian, corporate, and educational interests of modern China’s state building and environmental management.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is a global crisis of unprecedented scale in modern times. The initial outbreak of COVID-19 in Wuhan spread rapidly, affecting other parts of China and soon other countries becoming a global threat. [1] On 11 March 2020, the WHO has declared the ‘Pandemic state’ calling the governments to take ‘urgent and aggressive action’ to delay and mitigate the peak of infection. To respond to COVID-19 public health experts and government officials are taking several measures, including social distancing, self-isolation, or quarantine; strengthening health facilities to control the disease; and asking people to work at home. To safeguard the health of athletes and others involved all forms of organized sport have been either cancelled or postponed. These range from mass participation events such as marathon races to football league and even to the Olympics and Paralympics that for the first time in the history of the modern games, have been postponed, and will be held in 2021. All sport in Italy had been suspended from early March and from April the lockdown measures had been extended to the training session for professional and non-professional athletes within all sport facilities. Unlike Italy, the Swiss government has not imposed a general curfew so athletes continued to train outdoor although training in a group was forbidden. [2,3] Some athletes in this situation will be able to build on existing coping resources while others athletes may experience psychological symptoms including fear of being infected, anxiety of physical recovery if infected, disturbed sleep, eating disorders, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and family conflicts.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003464462199268
Author(s):  
Anwar Ouassini ◽  
Mostafa Amini ◽  
Nabil Ouassini

One of the consequences of the emergence of COVID-19 has been the glaring racial and ethnic disparities that have defined the course of the spread of the virus. As a recent migrant-minority community in China, the Black community’s experience has been defined by vulgar racism, exploitation, and stigmatization. In the context of COVID-19, the Black community in China was again a target of multiple racial projects which sought to label their bodies as diseased and physical presence as a threat to the viability and safety of the Han majority. The global response was to mobilize online to expose how the Chinese government is systematically facilitating discriminatory policies against Black migrants in China. In the present paper, we explore how Twitter was utilized to mobilize awareness about anti-Black racism in China. We first present a brief history of African migration to China and then discuss the Han racial ideologies that are inspiring the anti-Black racism. We then use latent Dirichlet allocation as a topic modeling algorithm to extract underlying themes to discuss how anti-Black racism in the COVID-19 context was framed and subsequently challenged by the global community. Finally, we conclude with a brief discussion on COVID-19 and the future of the Black community in China.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Hongmeng Cheng

Mormon studies in China began in the early 1990s and can be divided into three phases between the years of 2004 and 2017. The first Master’s and Doctoral theses on Mormonism were both published in 2004, and journal articles have also been increasing in frequency since then. The year of 2012 saw a peak, partly because Mormon Mitt Romney won the Republican nomination for the 2012 US presidential election. In 2017, a national-level project, Mormonism and its Bearings on Current Sino-US Relations, funded by the Chinese government, was launched. However, Mormon studies in China is thus far still in its infancy, with few institutions and a small number of scholars. Academic works are limited in number, and high-level achievements are very few. Among the published works, the study of the external factors of Mormonism is far more prevalent than research on its internal factors. Historical, sociological, and political approaches far exceed those of philosophy, theology, and history of thoughts. To Mormon studies, Chinese scholars can and should be making unique contributions, but the potential remains to be tapped.


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