Conservatives and “Renewed Russia,” 1907-1914

Slavic Review ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 762-786 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikhail Loukianov

The article analyzes the relationship of conservatives to the political order that arose after the 1905 revolution. It suggests that by the start of World War I, a dissatisfaction with the status quo had become a characteristic feature of Russian conservatism. The archaic formula “orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality” was the quintessential conservative discourse, both for nationalist supporters of conservative reforms and for opponents of any innovation such as Dubrovin’s All-Russian Union of the Russian People. But this formula existed in sharp contradiction to the realities of “renewed Russia.” Conservatives continually underscored the lack of correspondence between reality and their conservative dogma. In conservative circles, the growth of social tensions on the eve of the war was also understood as evidence of the inadequacy of the new political order. Because of this, Russian conservatives did not aspire to preserve the Third of June system and did not try to restore it after February 1917.

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-48
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Dynia

The article concerns international recognition of the Polish state established after World War I in the year 1918, the Polish state and the status of Poland in terms of international law during World War II and after its conclusion until the birth of the Third Polish Republic in the year 1989. A study of related issues confirmed the thesis of the identity and continuity of the Polish state by international law since the year 1918, as solidified in Polish international law teachings, and showed that the Third Polish Republic is, under international law, not a new state, but a continuation of both the Second Polish Republic as well as the People’s Republic of Poland.


Author(s):  
Milka Marie-Madeleine Malfait

Throughout its history, Artsakh had to guard against the external threats of Neo-Ottomanism. At the present time it is especially relevant. September 27, 2020 marks escalation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over the disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh – which means Artsakh in Armenian. This led to six weeks of cease fire, humanitarian disaster, which killed many people and destroyed cultural and religious heritage of Artsakh. The mountainous region is surrounded by Azerbaijani land, although populated by Armenians. Due to the political novelty of this issue, the author employed analytical and descriptive method. The acquired results demonstrate that the history repeats itself in Neo-Ottomanism, which has been a threat to Artsakh and Armenia since its emergence until the present day. In recent years, the concept of reunification with Armenia, as well as the independence of Artsakh, outlined the prospects for the future. The third solution to the conflict became the ceasefire agreement of 9 November 2020, nobly negotiated by Russia to save Armenia from military collapse. However, this solution is more painful than the status-quo. The main conclusion consists in the statement that the international community should be more vigilant and prevent the expansion of such threats.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.


Author(s):  
Anselm Doering-Manteuffel

Breaking the Law as a Norm: Contours of Ideological Radicalism within the Nazi Dictatorship. This article analyzes the relationship between Nazi legal experts’ efforts to create a canon of constitutional law for the Third Reich and the ideological radicalism characteristic of Hitler and the SS-state. The attempts of legal professionals to establish “völkisch” constitutional law emerged out of the staunch anti-liberalism that had spread throughout Germany since the end of World War I. However, this “völkisch” constitutional law bore no resemblance to rational European legal thought. It not only proved to be ineffective for this reason, but also because the ideological radicalism that reigned supreme in the Third Reich sought to break the law and let lawlessness rule.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-411
Author(s):  
Martin Prudký

The religious traditions and texts of ancient Israel have shaped European civilization and culture in a fundamental way. One of the key motifs that the Hebrew Bible has contributed to the formation of the spiritual traditions of this culture is the conception that faith entails a ‘stepping out’ of the status quo on the new journey to which God calls a person. An archetypal story in this respect is the narrative concerning the call of Abram (Gen. 12:1–3). This paper presents the basic motifs of Abram’s call in the context of the book of Genesis and sketches their impact on subsequent religious traditions. It pursues the question of the relationship of vocation and mission (of ‘stepping out’ and ‘charting a course’), which are two fundamental aspects of Abraham’s role as ‘the father of the faith’. In addition, this paper reflects on these motifs’ potential to impact the public domain.


2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 1049-1070
Author(s):  
LUCY BATES

ABSTRACTInterpretations that solely emphasize either continuity or controversy are found wanting. Historians still question how the English became Protestant, what sort of Protestants they were, and why a civil war dominated by religion occurred over a hundred years after the initial Reformation crisis. They utilize many approaches: from above and below, and with fresh perspectives, from within and without. Yet the precise nature of the relationship of the Reformation, the civil war, the interregnum and the Restoration settlement remains controversial. This review of recent Reformation historiography largely validates the current consensus of a balance of continuity and change, pressure for further reform and begrudging conformity. Yet ultimately it argues that continuity must form the foundation for any interpretation of the Reformation, for controversial or dramatic alterations to the status quo only made sense to contemporaries in the context of what had come before. Challenging ideas, like challenging individuals, did not exist in a vacuum devoid of historical context. The practical limits of possibility, constrained largely by the established norms and procedures, shaped the course of English Reformation. As such, practicality seems a unifying and central theme for current and future investigations of England's long Reformation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-99
Author(s):  
Rachel Broady

Journalists in Manchester have reported on homelessness with the intention of highlighting a problem, persuading a charitable response and encouraging legislative intervention. They serve as the way for readers, who may not spend time among the homeless, to observe and understand. This article argues that the representation is restricted by the ideological arena in which journalists work. It posits that by utilizing Fredric Jameson’s interpretive horizons methodology, the political unconscious of copy can be unearthed to reveal the acceptance of the inevitability of homelessness, which has been internalized and reconfigured in stories about the topic. It argues that it is possible to reveal the strategies of containment unconsciously employed, which conceal the relationship between labour and value, and ultimately defend the status quo, despite the intentions of journalists and publications. It further posits that the systemic, societal causes of homelessness are ultimately unchallenged, with the experience unconsciously mediated by the journalists and shared with an audience treated as fellow observers.


1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 220-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl H. E. Zangerl

Surveying the German political situation in the spring of 1913, the chairman of the National Liberal Party in Baden, Edmund Rebmann, could only see “black,” the adjective commonly used to describe the Catholic Center Party. The Center was systematically tightening its grip on the states of south Germany: Bavaria had already fallen under its domination; Württemberg and Alsace-Lorraine were wavering; even Baden, the last stronghold of liberalism south of the Main, was threatened. Rebmann was deeply concerned. “A united south Germany with purely black governments,” he warned a meeting of National Liberal leaders in Karlsruhe, Baden's capital, “would be an enormous prize for the Center” and might ultimately undermine the unity of the German empire. His assessment was shared by other political observers who had witnessed at first hand the way in which the Center Party had insinuated itself into a virtually impregnable position in German politics. While there is no evidence of a conspiracy to break up the empire, the Center, with its solid block of votes in the Reichstag, its growing representation in the Landtage of south Germany, and its famous tactical flexibility, was able to exert considerable influence over government policy both nationally and regionally in the decade before World War I. The party once designated by Bismarck as an enemy of the Reich had become a conservative friend of the status quo.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward G. Brown ◽  
Patricia K. Howard ◽  
Daniel Moore

AbstractBackgroundThis paper aims to provide a model that can be used to simulate the effect of patient presentation counts on ED boarder counts and investigate strategies that might be used for managing ED boarding levels.MethodsA boarding simulation model is constructed using a random variable and two regressions that are linked together in a difference equation. The simulation is run under varying constraints, including time interval, presentation counts, and boarder count threshold. Bootstrapping is used to run the simulation a large number of times so that mean and medians can be calculated along with confidence intervals.ResultsThe method outlined in this paper can be used to simulate the effect of presentation levels on ED boarder counts. Using these methods one can derive quantifiable estimates of time that an emergency department might meet or exceed a particular boarder count threshold.ConclusionsThese simulation methods can help an emergency department understand the dynamics of the system in the status quo of normal operations and quantify the relationship of presentation counts and throughput to the hospital. We are hopeful that others may use these methods, adapting, developing, and testing for their own institutions.


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