The Unity of an Indian Village

1956 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rudra Datt Singh

The current interest of anthropologists in the scientific study of the rural life of India has been faced from the very beginning with the question of comprehending the meaning of discrete village studies in the context of the universe of Indian society and culture. Various attempts have been made to analyze the social structures and patterns of organization in Indian villages. Many scholars have noted the existence of intra-village factionalism, inter-caste struggles and several other apparently disintegrating features of the village community. Extensive social and religious ties of the villages with the outside and their economic and political dependence on organizations which do not have their roots in the community have also been noted. In the face of such evidence one begins to wonder whether an Indian village can be characterized at all as a functioning social unit distinguishable from others and whether studies of individual villages can help us in understanding India.

Author(s):  
Walter E.A. van Beek

There is not one African indigenous religion (AIR); rather, there are many, and they diverge widely. As a group, AIRs are quite different from the scriptural religions the world is more familiar with, since what is central to AIRs is neither belief nor faith, but ritual. Exemplifying an “imagistic” form of religiosity, these religions have no sacred books or writings and are learned by doing, by participation and experience, rather than by instruction and teaching. Belonging to specific local ethnic groups, they are deeply embedded in and informed by the various ecologies of foragers, pastoralists, and horticulturalists—as they are also by the social structures of these societies: they “dwell” in their cultures. These are religions of the living, not so much preparing for afterlife as geared toward meeting the challenges of everyday life, illness and misfortune, mourning and comforting—but also toward feasting, life, fertility, and togetherness, even in death. Quiet rituals of the family contrast with exuberant public celebrations when new adults re-enter the village after an arduous initiation; intricate ritual attention to the all-important crops may include tense rites to procure much needed rains. The range of rituals is wide and all-encompassing. In AIRs, the dead and the living are close, either as ancestors or as other representatives of the other world. Accompanied by spirits of all kinds, both good and bad, harmful and nurturing, existence is full of ambivalence. Various channels are open for communication with the invisible world, from prayer to trance, and from dreams to revelations, but throughout it is divination in its manifold forms that offers a window on the deeper layers of reality. Stories about the other world abound, and many myths and legends are never far removed from basic folktales. These stories do not so much explain the world as they entertainingly teach about the deep humanity that AIRs share and cherish.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-94
Author(s):  
Anthony Chuwkuebuka Ohaekwusi ◽  

This article analyzes Zygmunt Bauman’s notion of moral blindness against the backdrop of his designation of modern culture as a dynamic process of liquefaction constantly dissolving every paradigm and subject to the flexible and indeterminate power of individual choice. Bauman argued that the social conditions of this radically individualistic liquid modernity result in a kind of moral insensitivity that he calls adiaphorization. Adiaphorization for him places certain human acts outside the “universe of moral obligations.” It defies the entire orthodox theory of the social origins of morality as it reveals that some dehumanizing monstrous atrocities like the holocaust and genocides are not exclusively reserved for monsters, but can be attributable to “frighteningly normal” moral agents. The present text therefore attempts to discuss the various moral implications of Bauman’s analysis of moral blindness, with a view to highlighting its weaknesses. It moves on to explore Bauman’s recourse to Emmanuel Levinas’ ethics of the “face of the Other” as a viable ethical remedy that trumps the uncanny effects of this whole adiaphorization effect. Finally, the paper further advances his call for a rediscovery of the sense of belonging, by appealing to some major insights originating from African traditions of ethical communalism in order to propose a possible route towards the avoidance and amelioration of this moral challenge.


1993 ◽  
Vol 41 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 122-146
Author(s):  
Robert Deliège

According to Dumont, caste can be understood as the institutionalisation of hierarchy, and the principle of hierarchy permeates all relations within Indian society. So understood, caste ideology is uniform throughout the society. This point has been contested by several ethnographers, especially those working among untouchables whom they often described as more ‘egalitarian’. This chapter aims to discuss the concepts of hierarchy and equality among the Paraiyar caste in a Tamil Nadu village. It will show that in spite of a basic acceptance of the value of caste, the Paraiyar espouse a strongly egalitarian ethic so far as relations among themselves are concerned; while there are forms of differentiation within the village, these cannot be conceived according to a hierarchical model. There is a general resistance to any form of internal leadership or domination, to which constant disputes, jealousies and accusations of theft bear witness. Gender roles are not as sharply demarcated as is generally expected in the subcontinent and the relations between affines are not conceived hierarchically. Although hierarchy can be taken as an intellectual device to grasp the foundations of Indian society, it cannot account for all the social relations within that society, which require theorisation of a different kind. It is a mistake to think that people are either egalitarian or hierarchical.


2020 ◽  
pp. 177-182
Author(s):  
Reva Marin

Accounts of interracialism in white jazz autobiography may best be viewed as works in progress toward a more just society, comparable to the growing movement for gender justice in the contemporary jazz world. Unlike the more unsparing critiques of white appropriation and theft that leave little space for the positive elements of interracialism in popular culture, this book resists the cynicism and despair that come from the belief that individuals are powerless in the face of systemic racism; rather, it proposes a reading of jazz autobiography that stresses the importance of individuals in breaking down the social structures upon which racist laws and institutions depend. Finally, it proposes that the accounts of these autobiographers—from the most embracing to the most virulent—provide rich material for teaching and studying twentieth-century US race history and offer paths for resisting the intolerance of our present time.


1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-94
Author(s):  
Anthony Chuwkuebuka Ohaekwusi

This article analyzes Zygmunt Bauman’s notion of moral blindness against the backdrop of his designation of modern culture as a dynamic process of liquefaction constantly dissolving every paradigm and subject to the flexible and indeterminate power of individual choice. Bauman argued that the social conditions of this radically individualistic liquid modernity result in a kind of moral insensitivity that he calls adiaphorization. Adiaphorization for him places certain human acts outside the “universe of moral obligations.” It defies the entire ortho- dox theory of the social origins of morality as it reveals that some dehumanizing monstrous atrocities like the holocaust and genocides are not exclusively reserved for monsters, but can be attributable to “frighteningly normal” moral agents. The present text therefore attempts to discuss the various moral implications of Bau- man’s analysis of moral blindness, with a view to highlighting its weaknesses. It moves on to explore Bauman’s recourse to Emmanuel Levinas’ ethics of the “face of the Other” as a viable ethical remedy that trumps the uncanny effects of this whole adiaphorization effect. Finally, the paper further advances his call for a rediscovery of the sense of belonging, by appealing to some major insights originating from African traditions of ethical communalism in order to propose a possible route towards the avoidance and amelioration of this moral challenge.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Rusdi ◽  
Abdul Latif Wabula ◽  
Ivana Goa ◽  
Ismail Ismail

This study aimed to describe the farmers' community's solidarity and both inhibiting and it's supporting factors. The next goal is to reveal the positive values contained in solidarity that is carried out by the farmers' community in the Village of Wanareja. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach, and the data analysis was carried out by conducting a reduction, presentation, and verification of the data. The conclusion is drawn after the data presentation. Solidarity among farmers is based on humanity and a sense of responsibility for the interests of living together, mutual cooperation, and helping each other as an implementation of solidarity. The solidarity becomes a social unit to form of unity because of the social bond among peasants. The gotong royong and help each other is becoming a tool to measure the success of farming, it means that the more mutual cooperation and help each other run optimally among farmers, the more yields of the farmer will get. The kinship, culture, and religion are the supporting factors of the peasant solidarity, on the other side, the modernization and economic conditions are the inhibiting factors for the development of the solidarity attitude among the farmers' community.


Author(s):  
Andik Wahyun Muqoyyidin

<div class="WordSection1"><p>This article is to unravel the issue of dialectic of Islam and local culture in the social field as one face of Javanese Islam. Historically, Islam came to Indonesia there is a record seventh century AD, but there are also the states of the thirteenth century AD. This means that Islam has been a long time to adapt and dialogue with the culture, customs, attitudes and ways of thinking locals Indonesia. Moreover, many aspects of Islamic teachings that can be flexible so it can receive the local elements are in harmony with the teachings of Islam. The style of Islam in Java in many ways resembles Islam in South Asia. Kerala, the Malabar coast became an important area for the spice trade. Therefore, this area is also very likely to be a transit area for the purpose of trading with the merchants and simultaneously broadcast and Sufi Moslem are deliberately seeking new areas for development of Islam. For this reason, the face of Islam in Java is the result of dialogue and dialectic between Islam and local culture which then displays the face of Javanese Islam. In fact, Islam in Java is indeed not a single, not a monolith, and not simple. Among these are reflected in social relations syncretic Javanese Moslem community with other communities go naturally with the local knowledge base in the village community at large.</p> <p> </p> <p>Artikel ini ingin mengurai persoalan dialektika Islam dan budaya lokal dalam bidang sosial sebagai salah satu wajah Islam Jawa. Secara historis, Islam datang ke Indonesia ada yang mencatat abad VII Masehi, tapi ada juga yang menyatakan abad XIII Masehi. Ini berarti Islam telah lama beradaptasi dan berdialog dengan budaya, adat kebiasaan, sikap dan cara berpikir penduduk lokal Indonesia. Terlebih lagi, banyak aspek dari ajaran Islam yang dapat bersifat fleksibel sehingga dapat menerima unsur-unsur lokal yang selaras dengan ajaran Islam. Corak Islam di Jawa dalam banyak hal menyerupai Islam di Asia Selatan. Kerala, di pantai Malabar menjadi daerah penting untuk perdagangan rempah-rempah. Oleh karena itu, daerah ini juga sangat mungkin menjadi daerah transit bagi kaum pedagang dengan tujuan perdagangan dan sekaligus menyiarkan Islam dan kaum sufi yang secara sengaja mencari daerah baru untuk pengembangan Islam. Karena itulah, wajah Islam di Jawa merupakan hasil dialog dan dialektika antara Islam dan budaya lokal yang kemudian menampilkan wajah Islam yang khas Jawa. Dalam kenyataannya, Islam di Jawa memanglah tidak bersifat tunggal, tidak monolit, dan tidak simpel. Di antaranya adalah tercermin dalam relasi sosial komunitas Islam Jawa sinkretis dengan masyarakat lainnya berjalan secara alamiah dengan mendasarkan pada kearifan lokal masyarakat desa pada umumnya.</p> <p> </p></div> <br />


1998 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 287-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Plunket ◽  
Gabriela Uruñuela

Located on the northeastern flank of the Popocatépetl volcano in the state of Puebla, Mexico, the Tetimpa region was buried under volcanic ash from two major eruptions: the first, at the beginning of the present era and the second, between A.D. 700 and 850. We review the volcanic and cultural sequences based on 12 radiocarbon dates, and then focus our discussion on the well-preserved house compounds of the occupation destroyed by the first eruption. The village at Tetimpa was abandoned rapidly in the face of disaster, and domestic goods were left in situ, providing us with a unique, almost ethnographic, view of rural life in the Terminal Preclassic. The house compounds follow a highly standardized pattern, consisting of two or three structures set at right angles to one another around a central patio, in a layout similar to that of the three-temple complexes at Teotihuacan. The wattle-and-daub walls of the rooms are built on stone talud-tablero platforms with a central staircase. Small shrines, located at the midpoint of each patio, provide evidence that volcanic activity formed part of the domestic ritual focus.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Kartika Dewi

The purpose of this study is to identify economic conditions of the fishers and fish farmers and to understand the social stratification and work relation among the coastal society in Mangkang Kulon, a coastal area, with the main income almost entirely dependent on the sea and coast land. Social stratification is a society's categorization of people into socioeconomic strata, based upon their occupation and income, wealth and social status, or derived power (social and political). As such, social stratification is the relative position of person or group within a sociocultural system, category, geographic region, or social unit. Social stratification is the distinction of population or society into classes in multilevel classes (hierarchical); its manifestation is the presence of the upper class, middle class, and  lower class.Primary data were collected from the local fishers. Four fishers and two brackish water pond cultivators were in-depth interviewed. Secondary data (village monograph) were collected from the village office. Data were analyzed descriptively. There were three social stratifications found out and formed in the area of Rukun Warga I Mangkang Kulon based on the income among coastal society. First the upper strata, which consists of gogol tambak, second the middle strata which consists of tambak pandega, third the lower strata of individual petty fishers and tambak manual workers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 86-90
Author(s):  
Julia Gemadeeva

The key contradictions in the transformation of the social infrastructure of rural areas are that the necessary transformation requires significant financial investments, and funding flows are invariably small. In addition, the specifics of rural areas are that the transformation being implemented requires significant investments, but the degree of financing is still small. And there are also constant discussions between the importance of using effective resources and the simultaneous territorial spread of the rural population, between the importance of system maintenance of society and the formation of specialization of rural economic entities and social structures. Currently, it is not possible to improve the conditions and management in rural areas without trained professional personnel. Solving the difficulties of securing young people in the village, it is necessary to develop and carry out a set of measures to increase quality indicators and attractiveness.


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