Regulating US intelligence operations: a study in definition of the national interest

1986 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 349-350
Author(s):  
Gerard Evans
1986 ◽  
Vol 80 (3) ◽  
pp. 985-991 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry Howe Ransom

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Dione Lee Marama Payne

<p>The title of this thesis, Mai Rangiriri ki Pōkaewhenua, refers to the battle of Rangiriri as the point of reference that marks the first confiscation of Waikato land. It was at Rangiriri that Waikato Māori took up arms to defend their land against the invading army and in doing so, by Crown law, forfeited their customary ownership over their land through confiscation. It would be one hundred years later that another confiscation occured at Pōkaewhenua in the 1960s. The confiscation of Māori land is commonly discussed in New Zealand history literature as a practice of the nineteenth-century. However in this thesis I argue the practice of confiscation has endured into the 1960s through facilitated alienations of allegedly unproductive Māori land through lease and sale. This thesis examines the case study of Lot 512 in the Parish of Whangamarino to show how government agencies utilised some common practices of confiscation such as through legislation, economic expansion, settlement, conflict of interests, tenurial revolution and the concept of waste land to confiscate Pōkaewhenua through facilitated alienation in the national interest. Although the practice of alienation was widespread, the sale and lease of Māori land due to an alleged lack of productivity under Part XXV of the Māori Affairs Act 1953 was seldom investigated as part of Treaty settlements. For hapū and whānau, particularly in the Waikato, the re-examination of land alienation may change their land history and the manner in which future Treaty claims are investigated. Contemporarily, the drive for greater productivity of Māori land, as seen in the 2013 Review of the Te Ture Whenua Māori Act, focuses again on making all Māori land productive in the national interest, with little consideration of the impact on it’s Māori owners. The criteria and rationale for this push for productivity is strongly reminiscent of the practice in the 1960s and 1860s, and suggests any national interest alienations that occur as a result of the 2013 review, may also be confiscation. One significant implication of this thesis for the field of Māori Studies is that the investigation of Lot 512 provides another perspective on confiscation. This thesis expands the definition of confiscation to allow for alienation by sale and lease in the national interest and departs from the limitation of the nineteenth-century. This research also contributes to Māori Studies through the analysis of Part XXV of the Māori Affairs Act 1953. As a wider implication for Māori land, it challenges researchers to look more closely at Māori land sales in the 1950-1960s, the manner in which those sales and leases were undertaken and questions national interest arguments for alienating further Māori land. This thesis is centred around a Māori world view and approach to research and is tied specifically to Pōkaewhenua – Lot 512 in the Parish of Whangamarino, but has implications for thinking about the way Indigenous rights are made subservient to colonial interests.</p>


1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas I. Cook ◽  
Malcolm Moos

World politics today is admittedly bipolar, and it seems destined to remain so within the foreseeable future. Beset by its sustained tension, Americans have been led to debate, sometimes acrimoniously, the proper foundations, scope, and content of an effective foreign policy. Since presumably the central theme and central purpose of this debate is the definition of what constitutes the American national interest, the first objective is to define the idea of national interest. Thereafter it is necessary to draw proper deductions relevant to the total world situation, and in turn to apply these deductions as policy to the forces there at work. These forces—political, economic, ideological, and military—in their interconnectedness collectively constitute the raw materials for assessment, judgment, planning, and action in our policy-making.Resultant differences of opinion therefore can take place at different levels. Initially there are vastly divergent concepts of the characteristics of a nation, of the role of nations in the world, and of the nature of interests proper to a nation. The scope of these divergencies is often hidden by our tendency to find in the term “national interest” connotations of particularism, of exclusiveness, of the nation as against, or superior to, the rest of the world.


2021 ◽  
pp. 004711782110362
Author(s):  
Kristi Govella

It is often predicted that rising powers such as China will seek to reshape the international order as they gain influence. Drawing on comparative analysis of the maritime and cyber domains, this article argues that China poses a challenge to the global commons because its actions reflect a pragmatic focus on national interest that that disrupts more collaborative conceptions of their governance. However, instead of directly rejecting existing regimes, China has pursued a mixed strategy of complying when these regimes confer benefits and employing contestation or subversion when they conflict with its strategic aims. In particular, China has used contestation and subversion to push for the enclosure of the maritime and cyber domains, extending ideas of sovereignty and territoriality to them to varying extents. While the relatively well-institutionalized nature of maritime governance has limited China’s focus to the application of specific rules in areas where it prioritizes sovereign control, the embryonic status of the cyber regime has enabled China to call into question the fundamental definition of cyberspace as a global common. Subversion has also allowed China to accomplish strategic goals through ‘gray zone’ tactics, resulting in increased conflict below the level of war in both domains.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 65-82
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Nogal

The modern definition of the state refers to the notion of sovereignty and to the related notion of the national interest, which is accompanied by secret politics. Niccolò Machiavelli was the first thinker to advocate for the primacy of the national interest. He drew inspiration from the classic concept of arcana imperii (secrets of state) and his writings can be used to explain why the concept of the national interest has taken on a modern form and is inextricably linked to the mysterious dimension of politics. Machiavelli pointed out that power is accompanied by enforcement power and indescribable hypocrisy, and actions taken at the state level (lo stato) are unique and require protection. However, we now witness the disappearance of the mysterious dimension of politics. Information leaks, tape recordings, eavesdropping and candid photos cause public debates and lead to numerous political changes. In this situation, the concept of the national interest must be discussed again. The public justification for the national interest and concrete political solutions and goals implemented by the state could reduce citizens’ suspicion, which is fed on further leaks.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (II) ◽  
pp. 9-16
Author(s):  
Shabnam Gul ◽  
Muhammad Faizan Asghar ◽  
Zahid Akbar

The character of warfare has remained constant however its nature has been changing from time to time over the last twenty years. The traditional definition of warfare, explaining an exceptionally coordinated and prepared involvement of powers in the conflict, such as the Second World War, have become old fashioned and irrelevant. The Intelligence operations were moderately clear and defined through the Cold War era. There were two defined adversaries, both were superpowers, and existential dangers to public safety, both political and military (counting atomic), were generally straightforward. Indeed, even psychological warfare was 'less complex' as it was focused on a targeted audience and state associations utilizing strategies were notable. The post- 9/11 world is facing new and complex difficulties especially with regards to nature of warfare which has become Hybrid as well as countering techniques in terms of Intelligence operations.


1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 246-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald E. Nuechterlein

The term “national interest” has been used by statesmen and scholars since the founding of nation-states to describe the aspirations and goals of sovereign entities in the international arena. Today foreign ministers, military strategists and academicians discuss the vital interests of their countries in ways suggesting that everyone understands precisely what they mean and will draw correct inferences from their use of the term. Nothing could be further from reality. In truth, the study of international politics as well as the art of diplomacy suffer from widespread ambiguity about the meaning of national interest, with the result that some scholars have proposed that the concept be abandoned and replaced by some other phrase. To my mind, this would be an abdication of the scholar's responsibility because, whether we like it or not, the term national interest is so deeply ingrained in the literature of international relations and diplomatic language that it is unlikely to be dismissed from our vocabulary simply because some scholars find it useless. Were we to attempt to substitute some new phrase, we would likely find even less consensus and could become engaged in yet another round of jargon-creation. A better alternative, I suggest, is to strive for a more precise definition of national interest and then provide a conceptual framework in which serious discussion of foreign policy and international politics can become more fruitful. That is the purpose of this paper.


Rough Draft ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 69-95
Author(s):  
Amy J. Rutenberg

Chapter four focuses on the development of the Selective Service’s decision to channel men into certain occupations and domestic arrangements. Under its policy of manpower channeling, the Selective Service used deferments to bribe men to pursue jobs deemed to be in the national interest and to marry and have children. In granting these deferments, the Selective Service altered its mission – defining itself as a civil defense agency as well as a procurer of military manpower – and the definition of service to the state. Not only did it accept civilian pursuits as national service as it had during the Korean War, but by the late 1950s, it explicitly encouraged certain men to fight communism and fulfill their citizenship obligations by remaining civilians. Through this policy, the Selective Service made social engineering one of its main priorities.


Author(s):  
Max Felker-Kantor

The LAPD’s ability to maintain its independent partisan power in the face of procedural reforms and antipolice protest rested on its intelligence operations. Police spying, this chapter shows, targeted groups that challenged the status quo, none more so than anti–police abuse activists and movements for racial justice, using a capacious definition of “disorder.” But these same groups exposed the Public Disorder Intelligence Division’s surveillance operations (previously known as the Red Squad), leading to new regulations on the department’s activities, the end of the PDID, and the establishment of the department’s new intelligence unit, the Anti-Terrorist Division. The reforms, however, did not change the underlying power relations between the police and residents.


1966 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 3-5
Author(s):  
W. W. Morgan

1. The definition of “normal” stars in spectral classification changes with time; at the time of the publication of theYerkes Spectral Atlasthe term “normal” was applied to stars whose spectra could be fitted smoothly into a two-dimensional array. Thus, at that time, weak-lined spectra (RR Lyrae and HD 140283) would have been considered peculiar. At the present time we would tend to classify such spectra as “normal”—in a more complicated classification scheme which would have a parameter varying with metallic-line intensity within a specific spectral subdivision.


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