The Indian National Congress and the Raj, 1929–1942: The Penultimate Phase

1977 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-156
Author(s):  
P. J. Griffiths
Keyword(s):  
National Congress ◽  
Indian National Congress

Home Rule for India

1919 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-305
Author(s):  
Graham H. Stuart
Keyword(s):  
Civil Service ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Queen Victoria ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Office ◽  
National Congress ◽  
The Government ◽  
Indian National Congress

The epoch-marking proclamation issued by Queen Victoria in 1858 announced to the people of India that they were to be admitted freely and impartially to political office. The autocratic bureaucracy of foreigners, culminating in the régime of Lord Curzon, when only about 4 per cent of the members of the Indian civil service were natives, was hardly a fulfillment of the spirit of this proclamation. Nor did the peoples of India consider it such. The spirit of unrest finally took shape in the Indian National Congress, founded in 1885, to give expression to the ideas of the educated classes; and this body soon came to be regarded as the unofficial Indian parliament. Each year it brought forward a list of ills which the government of India as then organized could not hope to remedy.

Ayodhya Dispute and Responses of India’s Islamic Neighbors and Hindu Nationalism in India

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Keyword(s):  
South Asian ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
Asian Country ◽  
Hindu Nationalism ◽  
Mahatma Gandhi ◽  
South Asian Country ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Independence Movements ◽  
Indian National Congress

India has been noted for its independence movements including the non-cooperation and civil disobedience movements under the leadership of the Indian National Congress in general and Mahatma Gandhi in particular. However, in this South Asian country, there is another kind of nationalism that roots in Hinduism. The objective of the article is to explain the nature of Hindu nationalism in India. To gain this aim, the author is going to implement three tasks including giving a brief overview of the Ayodhya dispute; reporting the reactions from India’s neighbors to the Ayodhya issue; and explaining the relations among the Ayodhya related legal fights and responses from Pakistan and Bangladesh, as well as Hindu nationalism. As a result, the study is helpful to comprehend the politics of India and its nationalism. Received 25th September 2020; Revised 2nd January 2021; Accepted 20th February 2021

Mobilization in a Mass Movement: Congress ‘Propaganda’ in the United Provinces (India), 1930—34

1975 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Pandey
Keyword(s):  
Mass Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
Constructive Work ◽  
National Congress ◽  
United Provinces ◽  
Indian National Congress

From 1919 to 1922 the Indian National Congress carried out its first country-wide programme of mass agitations against the British. For the next six or seven years the party concentrated on the electoral arena. By fits and starts, it also carried on a programme of so-called ‘constructive’ work among the mass of the people. This helped to maintain some of the popular contacts earlier established. Elections, and the bitter communal conflicts that were a feature of the mid-1920s, at least in the United Provinces (U.P.), forged other links.

India After the Coup

Worldview ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 31-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Oren
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Absolute Power ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
The World ◽  
Presidential Decree ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Indian National Congress

Thousands of predawn arrests of opposition political figures and journalists, the suspension of civil liberties by presidential decree, the imposition of a rigid press censorship—thus in June, 1975, was signaled the end of Indian democracy. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's actions mean that the number of people in the world living under democratic regimes has been more than halved. Perhaps India's masses prefer bread to liberty, but they are likely to have neither. Having obtained absolute power, Mrs. Gandhi and her ruling Indian National Congress seem to have little idea of what it is to be used for.Apologists for the emergency say it was necessary to ward off a right-wing conspiracy against Mrs. Gandhi because of her efforts at reform. They note that most of those arrested since the emergency began are hoarders of food, manipulators of prices, and holders of money from secret deals.

STRIKING A JUST BALANCE: MAULANA AZAD AS A THEORIST OF TRANS-NATIONAL JIHAD

2007 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
AYESHA JALAL
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Law And Ethics ◽  
The First World War ◽  
National Congress ◽  
First World ◽  
Indian National Congress

This article probes the link between anti-colonial nationalist thought and a theory of jihad in early twentieth-century India. An emotive affinity to the ummah was never a barrier to Muslims identifying with patriotic sentiments in their own homelands. It was in the context of the aggressive expansion of European power and the ensuing erosion of Muslim sovereignty that the classical doctrine of jihad was refashioned to legitimize modern anti-colonial struggles. The focus of this essay is on the thought and politics of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. A major theoretician of Islamic law and ethics, Azad was the most prominent Muslim leader of the Indian National Congress in pre-independence India. He is best remembered in retrospectively constructed statist narratives as a “secular nationalist”, who served as education minister in Jawaharlal Nehru's post-independence cabinet. Yet during the decade of the First World War he was perhaps the most celebrated theorist of a trans-national jihad.

Transfer of Power and the Crisis of Dalit Politics in India, 1945–47

2000 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 893-942 ◽  
Author(s):  
SEKHAR BANDYOPADHYAY
Keyword(s):  
General Public ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
General Election ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Public Meeting ◽  
Scheduled Castes ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Indian National Congress

Ever since its beginning, organized dalit politics under the leadership of Dr B. R. Ambedkar had been consistently moving away from the Indian National Congress and the Gandhian politics of integration. It was drifting towards an assertion of separate political identity of its own, which in the end was enshrined formally in the new constitution of the All India Scheduled Caste Federation, established in 1942. A textual discursive representation of this sense of alienation may be found in Ambedkar's book, What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables, published in 1945. Yet, within two years, in July 1947, we find Ambedkar accepting Congress nomination for a seat in the Constituent Assembly. A few months later he was inducted into the first Nehru Cabinet of free India, ostensibly on the basis of a recommendation from Gandhi himself. In January 1950, speaking at a general public meeting in Bombay, organized by the All India Scheduled Castes Federation, he advised the dalits to co-operate with the Congress and to think of their country first, before considering their sectarian interests. But then within a few months again, this alliance broke down over his differences with Congress stalwarts, who, among other things, refused to support him on the Hindu Code Bill. He resigned from the Cabinet in 1951 and in the subsequent general election in 1952, he was defeated in the Bombay parliamentary constituency by a political nonentity, whose only advantage was that he contested on a Congress ticket. Ambedkar's chief election agent, Kamalakant Chitre described this electoral debacle as nothing but a ‘crisis’.

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