Μετοιϰία in the "Supplices" of Aeschylus

1997 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey W. Bakewell

In Aeschylus' "Supplices" the Danaids flee their cousins and take refuge at Argos. Scholars have noted similarities between the Argos of the play and contemporary Athens. Yet one such correspondence has generally been overlooked: the Danaids are awarded sanctuary in terms reflecting mid fifth-century Athenian μετοιϰία, a process providing for the partial incorporation of non-citizens into polis life. Danaus and his daughters are of Argive ancestry and take up residence within the city, yet do not become citizens. Instead, they receive the right μετοιϰεῖν τῆσδε γῆς (609). As metics they retain control of their person and property, and are not liable to seizure by another. They are not permitted to own immovable property (ἔγϰτησις), but receive rent-free lodgings. Pelasgus and the other Argive citizens serve as their citizen representative (προστάτης). Casting the Danaids as metics highlights the similarities between Pelasgus and his predecessor, Apis. Both leaders were confronted by violent strangers demanding to live among the Argives, and sought to protect the autochthony and territory of Argos. Yet as suppliants the Danaids (unlike the snakes) cannot be forcibly expelled. Pelasgus' solution is a grant of μετοιϰία approved by the Argive assembly. The emergence of μετοιϰία as a formal status at Athens is difficult to date. Most scholars place it between the reforms of Cleisthenes (508/7) and Pericles' citizenship law (451/0). The "Supplices" provides evidence for a date in the 460s, and functions as a charter myth legitimizing μετοιϰία, much the way the Eumenides does for the Areopagus. The "Supplices" also fits well within the context of immigration and urban development leading to Pericles' law. The fact that the Danaid trilogy won first prize may be due to the Athenians' empathy for Argos as a risk-taking polis committed both to defending its identity and to acknowledging divinely sanctioned claims to refuge.

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 101-108
Author(s):  
Monika Kajackaitė

The idea of an article emerged of an observation of architectural – urban complex developement in the right coast of river Neris. This complex is partly materialized 70’s idea of “architectural hills”. Despite of sceptical or even opponential heritage guard’s attitude about this complex, evident that it is successful realization of considerable dimension urban conception. On the other hand, the result contravene primary idea, because it takes considerably bigger area of cities topography, i.e. situated on both sides of Konstitucijos avenue, thuthermore, practical realized changed system of altitude accents, and so on. Distinctly identified visual zones of urban cores in the city raise a question if the mentioned cores organize common compositional system, or if it’s development is based only on local principles of compositional idea. The main aim of this article – suggest methodical development principles of urban structure, considered on territories spatial compositional systems particularity. An article is the result of certain research, in which were evaluated transformations of territories urban structure, compositional importance to visual identity of a city, and structurised perspective strategy of territories urban development.


GEOgraphia ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (14) ◽  
Author(s):  
Márcio Piñon de Oliveira

A utopia do direito à cidade,  no  caso específico do Rio de Janeiro, começa, obrigatoriamente, pela  superação da visão dicotômica favela-cidade. Para isso, é preciso que os moradores da favela possam sentir-se tão cidadãos quanto os que têm moradias fora das favelas. A utopia do direito à cidade tem de levar a favela a própria utopia da cidade. Uma cidade que não se fragmente em oposições asfalto-favela, norte-sul, praia-subúrbio e onde todos tenham direito ao(s) seu(s) centro(s). Oposições que expressam muito mais do que diferenças de  localização e que  se apresentam recheadas de  segregação, estereótipos e  ideologias. Por outro  lado, o direito a cidade, como possibilidade histórica, não pode ser pensado exclusivamente a partir da  favela. Mas as populações  que aí habitam guardam uma contribuição inestimável para  a  construção prática  desse direito. Isso porque,  das  experiências vividas, emergem aprendizados e frutificam esperanças e soluções. Para que a favela seja pólo de um desejo que impulsione a busca do direito a cidade, é necessário que ela  se  pense como  parte da história da própria cidade  e sua transformação  em metrópole.Abstract The right  to the city's  utopy  specifically  in Rio de Janeiro, begins by surpassing  the dichotomy approach between favela and the city. For this purpose, it is necessary, for the favela dwellers, the feeling of citizens as well as those with home outside the favelas. The right to the city's utopy must bring to the favela  the utopy to the city in itself- a non-fragmented city in terms of oppositions like "asphalt"-favela, north-south, beach-suburb and where everybody has right to their center(s). These oppositions express much more the differences of location and present  themselves full of segregation, stereotypes and ideologies. On  the other  hand, the right to  the city, as historical possibility, can not be thought  just from the favela. People that live there have a contribution for a practical construction of this right. 


1914 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 312-320
Author(s):  
Charles Waldstein

In the last number of the Journal of Hellenic Studies (vol. xxxiv. p. 122) Mr. Guy Dickins begins his article on the Holkham Head and the Parthenon Pediment by saying that, before accepting my own arguments as contained in my article (J.H.S. vol. xxxiii, p. 276), ‘we have the right to demand from him [myself] some evidence on the following points:—(1) That there is reason to connect the head with Athens and the Acropolis,(2) That the material is identical with the other pediment marbles,(3) That the style is Pheidian, or at any rate fifth-century Attic, and(4) That it is an architectural and not an independent piece of sculpture.'I will not needlessly occupy space by repeating what I have already written fully in my article, and I will merely take Mr. Dickins's four objections seriatim and deal with them as concisely as possible; but I must ask my readers, after they have read Mr. Dickins's exposition of his views, again to read my article carefully in order to appreciate the relative value of the evidence furnished.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wojciech Włoskowicz

Abstract Materials from topographic surveys had a serious impact on the labels on the maps that were based on these surveys. Collecting toponyms and information that were to be placed as labels on a final map, was an additional duty the survey officers were tasked with. Regulations concerning labels were included in survey manuals issued by the Austro-Hungarian Militärgeographisches Institut in Vienna and the Polish Wojskowy Instytut Geograficzny in Warsaw. The analyzed Austro-Hungarian regulations date from the years 1875, 1887, 1894, 1903 (2nd ed.). The oldest manual was issued during the Third Military Survey of Austria-Hungary (1:25,000) and regulated the way it was conducted (it is to be supposed that the issued manual was mainly a collection of regulations issued prior to the survey launch). The Third Survey was the basis for the 1:75,000 Spezialkarte map. The other manuals regulated the field revisions of the survey. The analyzed Polish manuals date from the years 1925, 1936, and 1937. The properties of the labels resulted from the military purpose of the maps. The geographical names’ function was to facilitate land navigation whereas other labels were meant to provide a military map user with information that could not be otherwise transmitted with standard map symbols. A concern for not overloading the maps with labels is to be observed in the manuals: a survey officer was supposed to conduct a preliminary generalization of geographical names. During a survey both an Austro-Hungarian and a Polish survey officer marked labels on a separate “label sheet”. The most important difference between the procedures in the two institutes was that in the last stage of work an Austro-Hungarian officer transferred the labels (that were to be placed on a printed map) from the “label sheet” to the hand-drawn survey map, which made a cartographer not responsible for placing them in the right places. In the case of the Polish institute the labels remained only on the “label sheets”.


GEOgraphia ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (14) ◽  
Author(s):  
Márcio Piñon de Oliveira

A utopia do direito à cidade,  no  caso específico do Rio de Janeiro, começa, obrigatoriamente, pela  superação da visão dicotômica favela-cidade. Para isso, é preciso que os moradores da favela possam sentir-se tão cidadãos quanto os que têm moradias fora das favelas. A utopia do direito à cidade tem de levar a favela a própria utopia da cidade. Uma cidade que não se fragmente em oposições asfalto-favela, norte-sul, praia-subúrbio e onde todos tenham direito ao(s) seu(s) centro(s). Oposições que expressam muito mais do que diferenças de  localização e que  se apresentam recheadas de  segregação, estereótipos e  ideologias. Por outro  lado, o direito a cidade, como possibilidade histórica, não pode ser pensado exclusivamente a partir da  favela. Mas as populações  que aí habitam guardam uma contribuição inestimável para  a  construção prática  desse direito. Isso porque,  das  experiências vividas, emergem aprendizados e frutificam esperanças e soluções. Para que a favela seja pólo de um desejo que impulsione a busca do direito a cidade, é necessário que ela  se  pense como  parte da história da própria cidade  e sua transformação  em metrópole.Abstract The right  to the city's  utopy  specifically  in Rio de Janeiro, begins by surpassing  the dichotomy approach between favela and the city. For this purpose, it is necessary, for the favela dwellers, the feeling of citizens as well as those with home outside the favelas. The right to the city's utopy must bring to the favela  the utopy to the city in itself- a non-fragmented city in terms of oppositions like "asphalt"-favela, north-south, beach-suburb and where everybody has right to their center(s). These oppositions express much more the differences of location and present  themselves full of segregation, stereotypes and ideologies. On  the other  hand, the right to  the city, as historical possibility, can not be thought  just from the favela. People that live there have a contribution for a practical construction of this right. 


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ángel Morillo ◽  
Oihan Mendo ◽  
Diego Prieto ◽  
Gema Duprado ◽  
Silvia Bonacasa

The Roman wall, of rectangular plan and rounded corners, following the canonical military model, is the major evidence of the fortress built by the Legion VII Gemina in León in 74 AD. The archaeological interventions developed throughout the decades have confirmed that the defensive system consists of two adjacent walls: the first one dates back to the Low Empire, while the other, attached to the previous one by its external face, is dated Late Third to Early Fourth century AD. We, too, must add an internal rampart (agger) corresponding to a previous defensive system. The 3D virtual restitution we have undertaken allows us to contemplate, with further detail, the features of this almost 20 meters wide constructive complex that has conditioned the urban development of the city of León.


Author(s):  
Jules Verne
Keyword(s):  

We set off again, this time down the other tunnel. Hans led the way as usual. We hadn’t gone further than 100 yards, when the professor, shining his lamp along the walls, bellowed: ‘These are Primitive terrains! We’re on the right route, come on, come...


Author(s):  
Paul A. Bramadat

One warm Sunday evening in September 1993, I found myself walking aimlessly around the McMaster University campus. Earlier the same week, I had seen a poster advertising “Church at the John,” an event organized by the McMaster chapter of the Inter-Varsity Christian Fellowship (IVCF). Since I was academically interested in conservative Protestantism, and since at that point I knew no one in the city, I decided, for lack of other options, to attend this meeting. What I found there fell completely outside my expectations, prompted an elaborate series of questions, and ultimately resulted in the present book. Since I assumed that the meeting would be small, I worried that being ten minutes late might draw unwanted attention to my presence. As I descended the stairs of the Downstairs John (or simply “the John”), McMaster’s largest student bar, I could hear the noises of a large group of people. I thought I might have misread the poster a few days earlier; when I entered the bustling room, I was virtually certain I had. Except for the well-lit stage at one end of the room, the John was dark, and almost six hundred people were crowded into a space designed for no more than four hundred and fifty. The room was narrow and long, with a low stage at one end, pool tables at the opposite end, and a bar along the side of the room. People were standing and sitting in the aisles, on the bar, and against the walls beneath the bikini-clad models and slogans that festooned the neon beer signs. I discreetly asked one person who was standing against the wall if this was the right room for the IVCF meeting, and he replied that it was. I looked at him more intently to determine if he was joking, but he just smiled at me politely and bowed his head. After a few confusing moments, I realized he was praying. I turned away from him and noticed that all the other people in the room had bowed their heads in a prayer being led by a demure young woman on the stage.


1922 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. A. R. Gibb

Nothing is more disconcerting to the student of early Muslim history than the way in which Tabarī and the other historians alternate between detailed and comprehensive narrative and jottings of the most meagre and involved nature, filled out, in some cases, by picturesque but obviously legendary tales. These faults, which are to a large degree inherent in the method of compilation from oral tradition, come out most clearly in the narrative of the brilliant series of campaigns by which the Arab general Qutayba ibn Muslim conquered and annexed the lands eastward from Herāt and the Oxus to the Pamīr, during the reign of the Umayyad Caliph Walīd I (a.d. 705–15). Thus we are given a fairly sufficient account of the long drawn out operations against Bukhārā, but none of the actual conquest and colonization of the city : much 'of the expeditions against various princes subject to the kingdom of Tukhāristān, but practically nothing of the annexation of Tukhāristān itself.


Author(s):  
Barbara A. Hanawalt

London’s civic world included the Thames and the city walls, the main market (Cheapside), the Guildhall, major churches, wards, and parishes, the physical features that had a role in the city’s ceremonial life. Social divisions played a crucial role in urban life. To be “free of the city” (citizens or freemen) was a franchise limited to those who completed apprenticeships or bought the right. The number of freemen was a small fraction of the population, and among them, the members of the elite who governed was even smaller. London’s society was hierarchical at every level, with elites taking leadership positions in government and in the gilds. Londoners were loyal and curious about their history. They kept books with stories of its creation and major events and documents. The proximity of the Tower on one side and Westminster on the other were influential in London’s relationship with the crown.


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