The Cultural Revolution in Cinema

Slavic Review ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 414-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Kenez

The NEP was an inherently unstable social and political system: It contained within itself the seeds of its own destruction. The Bolsheviks carried out policies in which they did not fully believe and with implications that worried them. Although the Tenth Party Congress in 1921 forbade factions within the party, the struggle for power during Lenin's final illness and after his death inevitably created factions. The struggle for power and the conflict between contrasting views concerning the future of society came to be intertwined. For the sake of economic reconstruction the party allowed private enterprise to reemerge. As time went on, many Bolshevik leaders came to be convinced supporters of the mixed economic system; others, on the basis of their reading of Marxist ideology, found such policies distasteful.

Author(s):  
Roman Malek

Jesus Christ has been the subject of manifold and intensive reflection in the Chinese context and has shown various faces. The essay surveys the innumerable works of biblical, apologetical, catechetical, liturgical, general theological, literary, and art-historical nature on Jesus Christ covering the periods from Tang and Yuan dynasties (seventh–ninth centuries and twelfth–fourteenth centuries) to the “Cultural Revolution” (1966–1976). The essay observes how various Chinese portraits of Jesus Christ engage with Chinese religions, and how the Chinese context limited the possibilities for the unfolding of a specific face and image of Jesus much more than other Asian and Western contexts. It raises the question of the future: Which faces and images of Jesus Christ will the Chinese context still generate? In this vast part of Asia, will he remain a vox clamantis in deserto?


Author(s):  
Kerrie Reading

The cultural revolution of 1968 paved the way for many artists to reconsider how and where theatre was made. Community theatre gained currency and one company who became prominent during this cultural shift was Welfare State, later Welfare State International. They were one of the theatre companies who focused not only on a community theatre aesthetic but a grassroot one. I examine the radicality of community theatre and consider the efficacy of the historical approaches to engaging with communities in a (Post-)Covid world. I acknowledge and explore the shifting understanding of communities and assert that a deeper engagement is needed to foster collectivity (Tannahill 2016; Fişek 2019; Weston 2020; Bartley 2021). To reconsider the role that theatre may play in the future, I focus on a grassroot approach to community-led work and posit that location will be a key component to how theatre is made as we emerge from a pandemic.


Author(s):  
Morris K. Speter

For centuries China has been seen as a backward country. It was dominated by the European powers and, since the middle of the last century, by a very doctrinaire communist government. However, in the last 10 15 years China has emerged as an economic giant with an economy growing at 10% + per annum operating in a decidedly capitalistic fashion. Thus, we have the paradox of an anti communistic economic system operating under an anti capitalistic political system. The question for the future is whether this economic miracle will continue into the 21stcentury or is it but a temporary mirage and China will revert back to its previous secondary role on the worlds stage?


1967 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 33-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dwight H. Perkins

Just as China's economic programme seemed to be settling into a predictable and reasonably successful pattern of growth, politics in the form of the “great proletarian cultural revolution” again reared up to cloud the future. Although most of the details of China's economic performance during 1966 and the first three months of 1967 remain obscured, enough is known to make at least a partial assessment.


1973 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 478-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Mackerras

The theatrical life of the Chinese in recent years has closely reflected the evolution of Chinese society as a whole since the Cultural Revolution. Although the ninth Party Congress in April 1969 confirmed the success of the Maoist line established in the Cultural Revolution, deciding exactly how to apply that ideological system has not always been easy. Debate has continued in all sections of the community, and is reflected very clearly in the newspapers and media. Amid these debates enough concrete decisions have been reached to begin new cultural activity, largely suspended while the issues were being thrashed out during the Cultural Revolution, and with the passing of time the pace of the revival in the arts has quickened. The resurgence is based on Maoist theory, and it may conseqeuntly be useful to begin with a discussion of how the Chinese are formulating their ideas on what the theatre is all about.


Author(s):  
D.A. Glazunov

The Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC) or Bingtuan originates to the ancient military settlements (Tuntian or Tunken) on the border territories. Their goal is to protect and develop border areas, restore and progress the economy. Tunken, regardless of historical conditions, has always been an exclusively state-owned economic system. Therefore, the XPCC, despite the fact that it originated in 1952; it is based on the long tradition of its historical predecessors. At the same time, during the Soviet period, Tunken absorbed communist ideals, the experience of Soviet state farms, scientific achievements in the social and national building and military defense. In the subsequent period, in the Cultural Revolution, Bingt^n fell into disrepair and was liquidated. A new stage in the history of the Xinjiang Corps came with the beginning of the era of reform and opening. But all over china, the time of Bingtuan has come to an end: many state-owned enterprises and state farms associated with the development of border territories have totally transformed into independent economic units focused on the market. Thanks to the activities of Wang Zhen, who was well aware of the social realities of the region, an exception was made for Xinjiang, in which Bingtuan was restored in the early 1980s. The paper examines Wang Zhen's role in the revival of the XPCC, the reasons that influenced his position.


1970 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Bridgham

In his keynote political report to the Ninth Party Congress, Lin Piao discussed at some length the history of the “great proletarian cultural revolution” from its formal inception at a May 1966 Central Committee work conference to its nominal conclusion at the Party Congress in April 1969. Although he listed the objectives of the Cultural Revolution as ideological, political and economic in character, Lin stressed that “the fundamental question in the current revolution” is “the question of political power, a question of which class holds leadership.”


1975 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 645-683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hong Yung Lee

The Cultural Revolution was a large-scale self-examination by the Chinese of their political system, involving all the ruling groups as well as the whole population. Not only specific policy issues but also social. economic and political institutions and their value premises were subjected to this examination. Hoping to reverse the trend towards social restratification based on Party bureaucratism, Mao sought to build a mass consensus on the future direction of the revolution. However, in the process of “freely mobilizing the masses,” some social groups found that their interests called for a radical restructuring of the Chinese political system, while those of others lay in the status quo. As the Cultural Revolution (CR) unfolded, the masses and the elite further divided among themselves over the various issues: elite groupings took conservative or radical positions, and formed coalitions with corresponding sections of the masses. Consequently, the division between the radicals and the conservatives cut through both the elite and the masses and set in motion forces that gave the Cultural Revolution its distinctive character.


1983 ◽  
Vol 94 ◽  
pp. 282-303
Author(s):  
Paul J. Hiniker

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution began with the publication of Yao Wenyuan's article, “Comment on the new historical play ‘Hai Rui Dismissed from Office’,” which alluded to Chairman Mao's summary dismissal of Defence Minister Peng Dehuai six years earlier. The article first appeared in the 10 November 1965 issue of the Shanghai Wen Hui Daily under Chairman Mao's personal direction through the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. The curious unrolling of the Cultural Revolution during the subsequent three years through the consolidating Ninth Party Congress in the spring of 1969, exhibited three essential characteristics: first of all, an unprecedented increase in proselytizing for the Thought of Mao Zedong; secondly, an unprecedented leftist purging of the majority of the Politburo and Central Committee leadership; and finally, an unprecedented infusion of outside youth and soldiers of the People's Liberation Army to fill the vacated leadership posts.


Significance The meeting ended with a call for high incomes to be regulated and for the rich to 'give back' more. It followed a series of dramatic regulatory actions against large private firms and super-rich individuals. Impacts Inequality has become a higher priority in recent years; many further attempts to address it will emerge. The Party has not soured on private business in general or in principle; most private firms and entrepreneurs will not be targets. Comparisons to Mao and the Cultural Revolution are misplaced. Next year's Party Congress is particularly sensitive, so the customary crackdowns ahead of it may be commensurately intense.


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